Real Estate Market Valuation and Analysis

JOSHUA KAHR
and
MICHAEL C. THOMSETT
John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Real Estate
Market Valuation
and Analysis
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Real Estate
Market Valuation
and Analysis
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JOSHUA KAHR
and
MICHAEL C. THOMSETT
John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Real Estate
Market Valuation
and Analysis
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Copyright © 2005 by Joshua Kahr and Michael C. Thomsett. All rights reserved.
Published by John Wiley & Sons, Inc., Hoboken, New Jersey.
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data:
Kahr, Joshua, 1974-
Real estate market valuation and analysis / Joshua Kahr and Michael C.
Thomsett.
p. cm—(Wiley finance series)
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN-13: 978-0-471-65526-8 (cloth/cd-rom)
ISBN-10: 0-471-65526-0 (cloth/cd-rom)
1. Real property—Valuation. 2. Real estate investment. I. Thomsett,
Michael C. II. Title. III. Series.
HD1387.K3135 2005
333.33'2—dc22
2005012597
Printed in the United States of America.
10987654321
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Contents
Preface A
Practical
Approach vii
CHAPTER 1
The Essence of Analysis 1
CHAPTER 2
Using Analysis Effectively 29
CHAPTER 3
Valuation of Real Estate 47
CHAPTER 4
Single-Family Home and Condo Analysis 73
CHAPTER 5
Multi-Unit Rental Property Analysis 99
CHAPTER 6
Retail Real Estate Analysis 119
CHAPTER 7
Office and Industrial Real Estate Analysis 145
CHAPTER 8
Lodging and Tourism Industry Real Estate 161
CHAPTER 9
Mixed-Use Real Estate Analysis 177
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Internet Sources for Further Study 195
Bibliography 207
Glossary 211
Using a GIS Tool in Real Estate Market Analysis 225
Notes 235
Index 241
vi CONTENTS
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Preface—A
Practical
Approach
H
ow much is it worth?”
Every investor begins with this question. The question of value is at
the core of the decision. It is the essence of the decision to buy one property
and to reject another.
Value is a complex topic because it is partly subjective and partly deter-
mined by outside forces. A particular piece of property—whether residen-
tial, commercial, or industrial—will be valued based on its location,
improvements, zoning, competition, local employment, and the availability
(or lack of availability) of other, similar properties. For the serious analyst,
the question should be, How is real estate value properly determined?
There are numerous methods and theories available, some scientific and
others utilizing inaccurate statistical bases or national (rather than regional
or local) trends. We propose the use of scientific methods and, at the same
time, an overlay of practical considerations regarding local markets, risk
tolerance, cash flow, experience, tax benefits, and real estate-focused funda-
mental analysis. Just as stock investors recognize the importance of the fun-
damental analytical tools in the selection of stock, the same approach can
and should be used in the analysis of real estate.
It is neither possible nor advisable to try to determine value based
merely on a visual inspection or other nonfundamental indicators. Such de-
cisions are better made based on comparative shopping and analysis and a
thorough comparative approach to the entire real estate market. Ironically,
some investors make a decision to purchase without careful and thorough
analysis and, in some cases, without even defining the means for assigning
value. For some consumers, a property is worth whatever its listed price
may be, or whatever a real estate broker says. Considering that the same
consumers are likely to purchase automobiles with greater care, this is a
puzzling way to buy real estate. A car buyer will likely visit two or more
dealers and, at the very least, take cars out for a test drive. Why compari-
son shop for $20,000 cars but impulse-buy a $250,000 investment prop-
erty or residence?
The example of the impulse-buying real estate buyer is the extreme.
Most people are not that impulsive. However, real estate investors are faced
with the problem of how to analyze real estate values and, if they are to
vii
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succeed, they also need to develop the means for reliably analyzing the real
estate they are considering buying. What factors determine value? What
are the appropriate means for comparison between like-kind properties?
Why does a subtle difference in location make a vast difference in price?
These and similar questions are enormous challenges for the real estate
investor. We cannot shop for property based on a single criterion, and we
cannot limit our examination to the same criteria in all cases. For example,
it is not prudent to shop for commercial rental property using the same val-
uation methods as we use when buying residential property. We cannot
even make the same underlying assumptions about two similar properties
in different locations. The collective economic, demographic, and local fac-
tors affecting real estate values have to be studied and analyzed collectively
if we are to make an informed decision. Real estate analysis can be per-
formed by anyone; however, it is not enough to place trust in a broker or
seller, and we cannot pick real estate from classified advertising. Those me-
dia are starting points in the search; informed decisions rely on more de-
tailed analysis and study.
It is a mistake to rely on others to identify value without further study.
Even so, a vast number of investors do not ask the right questions or even
know what questions to ask. Those who do inquire usually limit their dia-
logue to one with a real estate broker, who may not even be conversant in
the art of real estate analysis. Most state tests for real estate licensing are
surprisingly easy and require little in the way of actual analytical knowl-
edge. Emphasis is usually placed on more mundane matters such as know-
ing how to fill in the standard forms for real estate contracts; agent and
broker liability and how to prevent it; and knowing about buyer and seller
rights and duties. Few real estate agents can provide advice on estimating
cash flow, analyzing relative value and investment potential, or the current
state of local supply and demand.
Even so, the buying public (including many mom-and-pop investors)
presumes that the real estate broker has the answers. The broker’s job is to
move property onto the market, and the more properties they close, the
more commission they earn. Emphasis is placed on bringing together a
willing seller and a willing buyer. But as many prospective buyers often
overlook, the broker usually works for the seller. Consequently, so the
process of real estate analysis—which is of greater interest to buyers than
to sellers—is not within the bundle of motivations that the broker has in
mind. Therefore, if you do not know how to critically analyze real estate
values and you depend on the assurances of a broker, you are on your own.
This book addresses the problems of analyzing real estate with several
possible readers in mind. A number of investors allocate a portion of their
capital to real estate through direct ownership, partnerships, or pooled in-
viii PREFACE: A PRACTICAL APPROACH
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vestments (mortgage pools, for example, operate much like mutual funds,
with portfolios consisting of mortgage debt rather than stocks or bonds).
Business and real estate students and professors will also find this reference
to be valuable in developing—at the very least—an approach to issues of
valuation and investment in real estate.
The book has been organized to present material in a practical manner.
What does this mean? Many years ago, a workshop was held at a confer-
ence for stockbrokers. One of the audience members asked a panel, “How
can we do a better job helping our clients to make investment decisions?”
One of the panel members advised, “Pretend it’s real money.”
We are going to offer the same advice in this book. When we use the-
ory by itself, we can have all of the answers. However, to make theory
practical, we also need to provoke thought within ourselves. We ask basic
questions and try to provide answers that may surprise many readers.
Good rule-of-thumb advice, whether conceptual or practical, is valuable as
a starting point; but we want to go beyond, to help our readers to think of
money invested in the real estate market as real money, and not just as an
exercise in the theoretical process of investing.
We begin with three chapters that discuss real estate analysis overall.
These topics are essential for all investors, consumers, and students of real
estate topics. Chapters 4 through 6 discuss specific popular types of prop-
erty and isolate their unique features. The analysis of each type of real es-
tate rests largely with the features each type of property contains. Thus,
valuation of single-family residences (Chapter 4) will not be identical to the
process of analysis for multi-unit properties (Chapter 5) or retail properties
(Chapter 6). Chapters 7 through 9 examine valuation and means for analy-
sis of nonresidential investment properties: office and industrial (Chapter
7), lodging and tourism (Chapter 8), and mixed-use real estate (Chapter 9).
Throughout the book, our goal has been to provide useful tools in the
form of statistical information, examples, charts and graphs, and case
studies. The organization and format of the book is intended to ensure that
the information can be absorbed and converted to practical applications.
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CHAPTER
1
The Essence of Analysis
Analysis is an elusive process; whether investor, appraiser, or
student, understanding the essential points to consider is itself a
difficult process. In this chapter, we introduce the fundamental
methodology as a starting point for deciding whether an
investment makes sense. We examine the question, Who uses
market analysis and why? Finally, we demonstrate how raising
capital for investment purposes must be premised on a foundation
of solid analysis.
K
nowing the right questions to ask is a wise starting point in any inquisi-
tive task. Otherwise, we cannot identify the underlying assumptions nec-
essary to arrive at an informed conclusion. A market analysis may have
several different meanings, just as a real estate market is not necessarily go-
ing to mean the same thing to different people. We recognize a definition of
real estate market as
the interaction of individuals who exchange real property rights
for other assets, such as money. Specific real estate markets are de-
fined on the basis of property type, location, income-producing
potential, typical investor characteristics, typical tenant character-
istics, or other attributes recognized by those participating in the
exchange of real property.
1
We also need to recognize that analysis may fall into several distinct
and separate functions within the broad function of market analysis.
1
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BASIC MARKET ANALYSIS CONCEPT—AN OVERVIEW
We view market analysis as a broad overview of supply and demand attrib-
utes for property, including site-specific and local factors and current as
well as emerging competition. To begin, we provide some basic definitions.
Additional definitions may also be found in the book’s Glossary. Studies
that focus on the market include:
Analysis of local economies: Studies the fundamental determinants of
the demand for all real estate in the market.
Market analysis: Studies the demand for and supply of a particular
property type in the market.
Marketability analysis: Examines a specific development or property to
assess its competitive position in the market.
Studies that focus on individual decisions include:
Feasibility analysis: Evaluates a specific project as to whether it is
likely to be carried out successfully if pursued under a proposed
program. May relate to developability. Most often related to finan-
cial feasibility.
Investment Analysis: Evaluates a specific property as a potential in-
vestment. Usually incorporates specific financing in the analysis,
and may evaluate alternative financing options to select most ap-
propriate financing or consideration of income taxes. Emphasis is
on risk and reward, sensitivity analysis, and internal rate of return.
With these definitions in mind, the value of the market analysis be-
comes apparent. It is a study that tries to identify the market for a particu-
lar real estate product. Why would we want to understand the market?
Real estate markets are not efficient markets like the stock market, and
pricing does not occur every day.
Whenever someone undertakes a real estate transaction, a market
analysis must be performed. This could range from an informal process to
a two-inch-thick book.
Three key questions should be answered by the study:
1. Will there be users to rent or buy the proposed product?
2. How quickly and at what rent or price will the proposed project be ab-
sorbed in the market?
3. How might the project be planned or marketed to make it more com-
petitive in its market?
2 THE ESSENCE OF ANALYSIS
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In market analysis, three phases are involved: collection of data, analy-
sis, and recommendations. It all starts with data, which may be found in
many places.
Primary, or raw data is unanalyzed, often collected in person by the
analyst. It may include reading classified ads, new development announce-
ments and legal notices, or Census data. Secondary data has gone through
the analytical process by someone else, who tells the analyst what to con-
clude. Secondary data has bias.
The analyst needs to consider bias for all types of data. For example,
even primary data may include unintentional bias. Even Census data may
include undercounts of immigrants, as one example. Secondary data helps
the analyst develop a sense of the market, but primary data is much more
valuable and accurate.
Think of the data as coming from two sides—demand and supply—
and in that order. Why? On the demand side, the analyst includes:
Population, number of households, and demographic characteristics.
Income, affordability, and purchasing power.
Employment, by industry or occupation.
Migration and commuting patterns.
Other factors.
On the supply side, the following are included:
Inventory of existing space or units.
Vacancy rates and character of existing property inventory.
Recent absorption of space, including types of tenants or buyers.
Projects currently under construction and proposed.
Market rents/sale prices and how they differ by location and quality.
Features, functions, and advantages of existing and proposed projects.
Terms and concessions.
Information sources are not limited, either. Analysts may include,
among other sources newspapers, Census and private databases, tax rolls,
advertisements, and maps—in other words, any source that reveals some-
thing of interest.
The value of direct interviews should not be forgotten in this informa-
tion-gathering process. The analyst may interview brokers, owners, urban
planners, local officials, and so on. Interviews provide guidance and open
the analyst’s eyes. The goal in the interview is to ask as many people as
many questions needed to understand the marketplace in order to synthe-
size a complete picture.
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The data gathering process should be thought of as competitive intelli-
gence. Market analysis should be tied in with an understanding of the psy-
chology of the different players. In order to understand whether a
proposed project is real, we need to understand the game of business. It is
not enough to just say what is going on; we need to understand the players
involved. Going even further, it is not just enough to know the players. The
analyst also needs to know the local government. In the real estate busi-
ness, government is your largest partner. If you want to do a project, you
need to understand how the political framework either supports or hinders
you based on the desires of elected officials.
Market analysis is generated by virtually everyone in real estate:
Private Sources of Analysis
Appraisers.
Brokers (leasing and sales).
Developers.
Investors.
Asset managers.
Lenders.
Public Sources of Analysis
Urban planners.
Economic development consultants.
Public agencies.
It is interesting to determine—and to study—whether private and pub-
lic analyses mesh or even agree in their conclusions. There are certain ways
that the two sides may be specifically biased. In the private sector, market
analysis is used to maximize profits (and to reduce losses by reducing mar-
ket risks). However, the goals of the public sector are often quite different,
including a context of impacts beyond profitability or feasibility, such as
density, traffic, or design.
Is there such a thing as an unbiased analysis? The answer: Yes. Which-
ever one you are doing.
The serious analyst—absence of bias aside—should be keenly aware
that the process itself invites bias. The analyst cannot fall in love with a
project and remain objective.
One effective method for identifying market analysis is by taking
note of which group or groups use the analysis. These may include
4 THE ESSENCE OF ANALYSIS
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developers/builders, investors and lenders, designers, marketing managers,
local governments, appraisers, assessors, tenants and occupants, sellers,
purchasers, landowners, and property managers. Within the context of
identifying the end-user, it also is important to note that the market
analysis data feeds into the process of feasibility analysis. The two
phases—market and feasibility—are directly affected by the analyst’s
conclusions about market area.
Defining the market area can be broken down into attributes of the
question, What location and physical space make up the market area? This
includes natural features, constructed barriers, population density, political
boundaries, neighborhood boundaries, type and scope of development,
and location of the competition. This level of analysis next leads to a study
of primary and secondary trade areas. Some important considerations de-
fine how accurate the analyst’s work will be. For example, do you use geo-
graphic rings to define the trade area? Putting it another way, is the trade
area a circle? In practice, trade areas are actually formed by travel time and
other market factors, and true trade areas are rarely suitable to explain
with the use of perfect circles. For example, residential zoning and com-
mercial clusters may more accurately define the trade area.
Following the gathering of data, the next step is to analyze. A site’s ad-
vantages and disadvantages can be studied and compared in terms of zon-
ing and comparisons to the competition: location/linkage to other services
and properties, rent or purchase price, unit sizes, occupancy costs, parking
ratios, building/project amenities, technology, security, and maintenance
(current expense level and any deferred maintenance).
In performing the range of analytical tasks, one aspect of real estate
valuation within the broader scope is the more concentrated analysis of lo-
cal economics. This study of supply and demand is viewed as specific to a
narrowly focused region or city. Furthermore, whereas market analysis
tends to be associated with the economic conditions affecting valuation of
a particular property or property type, analysis of local economics applies
to all real estate within a region.
We also want to make a clear distinction between market analysis and
marketability analysis. The latter is a study of the relative competitive posi-
tion of a project within the existing market and anticipated market trends
in the near future.
While studies such as these (market analysis, local economics, and
marketability) tend to be broad-view market studies, two additional types
of analyses are more specific to a particular project. First is the process of
feasibility analysis, which is intended as a study of whether the numbers
work, given the current perception about how a project should proceed,
what it will cost, and who will buy or rent the property. The range of
Basic Market Analysis Concept—An Overview 5
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analysis includes a feasibility study, which we examine later in this chapter.
However, the analysis is a larger process focused on financial questions but
intended as a critical review. If the financial aspects of the project are im-
practical, it needs to be modified so that questions relating to financial fea-
sibility produce more favorable answers.
A related process is called investment analysis, and it looks at the
same financial questions but from the investor’s point of view. Feasibil-
ity—usually associated with developers and project management—is a
part of the developer’s market analysis, whereas investment analysis
takes the same issues and examines them with a different set of choices.
A developer may tend to compare various projects, sites, and real estate
markets; an investor is likely to compare potential real estate invest-
ments to nonreal estate alternatives as well. The investor will, of course,
review financing considerations as part of the analysis; however, financ-
ing is not isolated to investors alone. Lenders and potential lenders will
perform a variation of investment analysis to analyze risk and to identify
the most appropriate type of project financing. Overall, investment
analysis, whether performed on behalf of equity investors or potential
lenders, will want to include an analysis of cash flow, tax benefits and
costs, and comparative return analysis.
To what extent should analysis go? Is it expensive, formal, and time-
consuming in all situations, or should the extent of the process be deter-
mined by the project? For an experienced speculator, for example, who is
familiar with local conditions and trends, an analysis may include a quick
and informal study of a specific property. For an outsider, analysis may in-
volve a more detailed study. For someone requiring local approval or ex-
tensive financing, that analysis may be a thorough research on many levels.
An expanded definition explains how analysis continues to work after
initial decisions have been made concerning where, when, and how to
build a project. Market analysis and research are not isolated functions oc-
curring only at the very front processes of the project but are best utilized
throughout:
Market analysis is a crucial part of the initial feasibility study for a
real estate project, but it does not end there. Market research con-
tinues to play an important role in shaping the project throughout
its development and management phases. Market analysts are
commonly consulted for repositioning strategies after a project is
up and running and the developer realizes that absorption does
not meet projections. As many types of market analysis exist as
variations in development projects, stages of development, and in-
terests being served.
2
6 THE ESSENCE OF ANALYSIS
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In its final form, analysis may be published as a market study or a
feasibility study. In some cases, these are one and the same. How-
ever, we make a clear distinction. Market analysis, as a collective
process, includes an identification of the timing for demand; the
direct relationship between demand and supply (the analysis of
which should consider the role of competition), and calculations
of investment rates of return.
MARKET STUDY AND FEASIBILITY STUDY:
THE DISTINCTIONS
A market study should always begin by answering specific questions that
may be raised by lenders or equity partners, or by investors themselves.
The document has added value as well. For example, regarding subdivision
developments, a survey among developers and bankers concluded “that a
well-documented market survey was a key component of the appraiser’s re-
port.”
3
Such a survey often is mandatory in defining the market area itself.
That definition phase should be the first step, according to a real estate re-
search company’s president, who also advises that “all market analysis
should focus on three basic areas of evaluation: the site, the demand for the
product, and the supply of comparable products.
4
The issues of site plus supply and demand analysis lead us to a series of
critical questions:
1. Is there adequate demand for the improvements existing or proposed,
so that assumed vacancies will be low? This should include analysis of
population demographics, income, employment, and growth forecasts.
Additional market components beyond the analysis of supply and de-
mand may go to price segmentation and coordination with mar-
ketability (development concept in the context of the market, current
available sites versus what end-users want, and market absorption
analysis, for example).
2. Is there a market demand for such improvements and how readily will
the development be sold on the market? How will the proposed devel-
opment impact on current supply in the immediate area (local market)
and the broader market (regional)?
3. How will the development be paid for, and what is the source of
funds?
These three questions will be expressed in the next chapter in a some-
what different form, that of supply and demand. We recognize three forms
Market Study and Feasibility Study: The Distinctions 7
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of supply and demand, involving tenants, real estate acquisition/sale, and
financing. For now, we want to review these important questions and even
expand upon them in defining the scope of a market study. To continue, a
market study will also include the following questions, concerned with
marketability rather than with the conditions of the market:
4. What competitive developments exist and how should this project
be designed, planned, and marketed to effectively compete? In other
words, what is the specific development concept in terms of site
plan, architecture, design, and the proposed market itself (tenant,
shopper, user)?
5. What relevant factors affect our determination of the market? (Con-
sider the effects of local employment trends, population mix, and
even the existence or lack of similar properties.) What is needed in
the market today, and how does this development address that de-
mand? Can the design and concept of this development be improved,
and if so, how?
These five questions—involving questions of supply and demand—are
at the heart of the market study. In comparison, a feasibility study focuses
on financial aspects of a proposed development or acquisition. While the fi-
nancial aspects of market analysis and valuation may be viewed as coldly
factual, a lot of room for interpretation is likely to be found. The numbers
reflect varying forms of reality, but the whole question comes back to sup-
ply and demand and the marketability of a project concept. Expressing this
in market terms, “three possible courses of action . . . exist in real estate
feasibility: (1) a site in search of a use, (2) a use in search of a site, and (3)
an investor looking for a means of participation.”
5
What is the purpose of the feasibility study? If we view it simply as a
means for crunching numbers, then the value of the report will be limited.
In fact, number crunching can and should provide a developer, builder, or
potential investor with a far more important outcome: the determination
of whether the risks of proceeding are justified. A skeptical approach—as-
suming a project will not work—is often a smart approach. One business
consultant explained this aspect of feasibility:
The first goal of a feasibility study or business plan should be
to determine whether or not the potential entrepreneur should
actually take the plunge . . . the default conclusion should be
that the [project] will not succeed. Thus, the plan must convince
potential investors [and] lenders . . . that the [project] will
succeed.
6
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Another expert has observed that the process of feasibility analysis
should relate more to what will work and less to what the costs will be, a
concept that often is forgotten in numbers-oriented feasibility work. That
expert observed that
. . . the steps necessary to evaluate the economic feasibility of a
project are frequently confused with a variety of other tasks. Of-
ten this confusion leads to the recital of various statistics dealing
with population size, growth rates, average income, median home
selling price, employment growth, unemployment listings, and the
like. Too often the result is that pure statistical information is sub-
stituted for the analytical process necessary to determine the eco-
nomic feasibility of a project. . . . Some believe the [analyst’s] role
should be limited to answering the question “what is it worth?”
and leaving the question “will it work?” to others.”
7
We can accurately define feasibility—at least in part—as the matching
between various elements of supply and demand, expressed in terms of
cost and benefit. The kinds of questions you will find in a feasibility study
are broader in scope because these various elements are complex; however,
the primary areas involved will include:
What is the target market for the proposed development? (In retail
projects, the target has two components: potential tenant stores, and
shoppers, so the target needs to be evaluated with both of these groups
in mind. In residential projects, the target may be either a home-buying
family or a renter, depending on the project and scope envisioned in
the development process. Mixed-use projects are especially complex
regarding target markets. For example, in urban areas such as Man-
hattan, some projects involve retail shopping areas and hotel, residen-
tial, and recreational features in a single complex.
What comparable properties are on the market, and how will competi-
tion affect pricing in our case? (If a lot of similar properties exist, does
it make sense to build another? If so, why?)
What is the performance level and market demand of the competition?
(This may include vacancy rates in multi-family complexes or sales in a
mall, for example.)
What level of financial performance is projected? Specifically, the feasi-
bility study works like the well-known business plan model in its pro-
jection of cash flow, intended to demonstrate that the proposed project
will remain solvent even with a reasonable assumption about vacancy
rates, market rental rates, and seasonal variation. Both investors and
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lenders will also be keenly interested in conclusions drawn concerning
the cash flow impact of debt financing and the impact—positive or
negative—of taxes.
What risks are faced in investing in this project (for equity partners) or
in lending money to finance this project (for lenders)? The range of
risks may involve negative cash flow caused by high vacancies and
unanticipated expenses, changes in the local economic climate, and re-
versal of current demographic trends; the feasibility study should raise
all of these questions.
WHAT SHOULD A MARKET AND FEASIBILITY
STUDY CONTAIN?
While there is no set format for the study document, the typical market
analysis will contain the following items:
Cover page—The type of study, address of property, and names of the
team members.
Letter of transmittal—Major findings, conclusions, and recommen-
dations.
Table of contents—A list of all the sections.
Nature of the assignment—Description of the assignment, methodolo-
gies, and approaches used, and the scope of services undertaken.
Economic background—Establishes the market framework; discusses
the larger market areas first (i.e., regions and/or cities) and the
smaller market areas last (i.e. neighborhoods). Analysts should be
sure to cover all the influences: physical, economic, governmental,
and sociological.
Description of the property and proposed development—A descrip-
tion of the site and improvements should be provided separately.
This section explains the physical and economic plan proposed
for the site.
Competitive developments—While the economic background will in-
clude market data on the competitive supply, this section should in-
clude details on the development’s most significant competition
(existing, planned, and proposed). It should include rental rates and
sale prices, vacancy rates, size of projects, and other information.
Market potential—Here the analyst establishes how well the proposed
development will capture demand in light of the economic back-
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ground and compared to the competitive developments. This is the
place to quantify demand for the development. Where does the de-
mand come from for the proposed plan? How is your proposed
plan different or the same as the competition?
Conclusion of marketability—This section should not include any
new data. This is the part dedicated to pure analysis. Everything
included in the body of the report analysis so far is used to make
a case for how the proposed development will compete in the
marketplace.
A 10-year pro forma should be used, based on an assumed
sale of the property at the end of year 10. The pro forma will re-
quire certain assumptions about rental rates, vacancy rates, ab-
sorption rates, and operating expenses. If the proposal is for a
condominium development, the concept is the same, but an appro-
priately shorter holding period should be used.
Addendum—This section is used for any supporting documents such
as site plans, maps, and material supporting other sections of
the report.
Exhibits—In specific sections or as an appendix, include valuable addi-
tional items, including a map identifying the location of the sub-
ject, competitive developments, and the market area; photographs
of the subject property, its block front and the block facing it; and
schedules of competition (size, rent/sale price, and vacancy).
This format is meant only as a guideline. Actual format should be dic-
tated by materials needed to make the case; the unique attributes of the
proposal; and a mandate given to the analyst as part of the assignment.
The reporting format may include both market and feasibility study
features. The distinctions between the two types of studies demonstrate
that the range of requirements for thorough market analysis is comprehen-
sive. An important difference to remember is that the market study may re-
main relevant for a considerable period of time, whereas a feasibility study
is likely to evolve as financial realities change, including employment, con-
struction and land costs, and other economic data (market rents for resi-
dential, lodging, office, and industrial properties, for example). The
problem of reliability in a feasibility study in the lodging industry has been
expressed by a market expert:
Are feasibility studies accurate? They probably are at the time they
are performed. But hotel markets are highly dynamic, and unfore-
seen changes . . . can have a devastating effect on a hotel’s future
What Should a Market and Feasibility Study Contain? 11
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operating performance. With all these interrelated factors (positive
and negative) occurring in a highly random pattern, predicting the
future income and expense of a hotel is like determining the Dow
Jones average three years from now.
8
THE FIRST STEP IN THE MARKET STUDY:
MARKET AREA
The market study is usually the result of thorough market analysis; but
what form does this report take? In order to make this study useful to the
reader (whether approval-granting agencies, equity partners, or lenders),
the study should be organized in a logical manner, so that information pre-
sents a clear picture of the market in all of its meanings; so that important
information can be easily located; and so that decisions can be made.
As with all well-organized reports, the body of the report should be in
a narrative form, with supporting documentation within the report pro-
vided in graphic forms; and with detailed supporting documentation pro-
vided in appendix form. This format makes the report easy to read and
digest; it keeps the body of the report fairly short (even when the support-
ing back matter is voluminous); and it highlights and explains four key ar-
eas of evaluation: overall market area, location-specific factors, demand
factors, and supply of comparable properties.
These four aspects of the market analysis are designed to ask critical
questions. In other words, if we are able to demonstrate that the market
area, location, demand, and supply elements favor proceeding, then it
would make sense to others as well. Equally important, if in the process
of performing market analysis, we are unable to make a convincing case
for the project, then why would anyone else want to proceed? The pur-
pose to market analysis is to critically evaluate the underlying questions,
and to determine whether or not the market is situated so that the project
should proceed.
The starting point is a study of the market area. This is the range in
which supply and demand operates. Traditionally, market area has been
analyzed on the basis of studying the land physically. Today, however, new
technology has expanded the potential of market area analysis, explained
in one real estate book as being a new tool to assist market analysts in
many ways:
Although analysts have traditionally been forced to approximate
market areas by using census tracts, zip codes, or county bound-
aries because of data limitations, emerging geographic information
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systems (GIS) technology, or electronic mapping, is liberating real
estate decision makers from relying on arbitrary boundaries.
9
This new technology enables the analyst to look at geographical infor-
mation from a truly big picture view. Artificial boundaries do, indeed, ob-
scure the true market area in many instances. For example, a retail
shopping center would be designed to serve a specific population and geo-
graphical market area, which also makes it possible to estimate the reason-
able assumptions concerning traffic volume and potential sales. However, a
careful study of the market area may point out that the results are not al-
ways as obvious as they may seem at first glance.
Everyone will agree that market area is an important starting point.
You will want to identify the regional realities defining the potential
The First Step in the Market Study: Market Area 13
CASE STUDY: BELLIS FAIR, WASHINGTON STATE
In the typical market area analysis for a retail shopping center, we
would study local population in order to determine whether a project
is supported by the market. This does not always work, however; you
also need to study the specific area to determine how market forces
work. In Bellingham, Washington, the regional mall called Bellis Fair
opened in 1988 on Interstate 5 in Whatcom County. At the time,
many people criticized the plan for this development, arguing that the
local population could not support the mall. Population at the time in
the largely rural county was only about 120,000 (as of 2004, What-
com County, Washington’s population is 157,477). However, Bellis
Fair has been a huge success.
Daily shopper traffic exceeds 35,000 people. The mall has 150
stores, with anchors of Bon-Macy’s, J.C. Penney, Mervyn’s, Sears, and
Target. Overall, Bellis Fair has 768,906 square feet of leaseable store
area on its single level, and 4,730 parking spaces.
How is it possible? The location—Bellingham—is the largest city,
but its population is less than 70,000. The closest large city in Wash-
ington is Seattle, nearly two hours to the south. Bellis Fair is not a
destination from that distance, so where is this market coming from?
The answer: Canada. Bellis Fair is a mere 23 miles from the busiest
border crossing, known as the Peace Arch. Here, U.S. Interstate 5
(Continued)
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market itself. One modern tool worth using for the more complex mar-
ket area studies is Geographic Information Systems (GIS). These systems
may include any database with the ability to indicate a geographical lo-
cation or spatial dimension for the variables in the database....
10
Given
the case history of Bellis Fair, it is clear that such regional factors are not
always obvious. In any modern market area study, GIS would very likely
uncover valuable insights for similar project studies. Additional market
analyses may also be required beyond the geographic location of a per-
ceived market. Some guidelines:
Identify the region not only in geographical terms, but also in terms of
where the market exists.
The market area for tenants may be drawn from the immediate area as
well as from other areas. For example, with residential projects this
14 THE ESSENCE OF ANALYSIS
CASE STUDY: BELLIS FAIR, WASHINGTON STATE (Continued)
crosses into British Columbia. The metro Vancouver region (the area
encompassing the border, north to the suburbs of Vancouver itself)
has more than four million population. This is the dominant market
area for Bellis Fair. A majority of shoppers in Bellis Fair come from
Canada. The current exchange rate is 80 cents of Canadian to U.S.
dollars, so Canadian shoppers enjoy a 20 percent discount by taking a
short trip south. Given the added impact of high Canadian sales
taxes, shoppers have even greater incentive to shop south of the bor-
der. British Columbia sales tax is 7.5 percent (as of 2004), plus federal
taxes of 7.0 percent paid by all Canadians. So shopping at home costs
15.5 percent on top of the retail price, compared to a Washington
State tax rate of about 8 percent.
Conclusion: Any market area study must look realistically at the
effective market. The border between the United States and Canada
(or between any two states) is artificial in terms of market area. It
would be inaccurate for Kansas City, Kansas, to draw conclusions
limited only to Kansas residents; obviously, the larger Kansas City,
Missouri, market would dominate the market area. The same ratio-
nale applies in the case of Bellis Fair. The local population could not
support a larger retail mall (daily traffic exceeds one-fourth of the
county’s population). The success of this mall has to be defined in
terms of broader economic and demographic forces.
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could be related to the location of employment and ease of access to
transit lines.
Any project’s analysis should include consideration for how the new
project will affect existing projects. For example, meeting an assumed
demand for residential housing may lead to higher vacancy rates in ex-
isting multi-unit developments.
Be aware of the differences between artificial boundaries (county lines,
state borders, etc.) and built boundaries like freeways that cut through
neighbors, thus defining or restricting a market area.
Be aware of historical patterns of development based on ethnic or cul-
tural ties. These boundaries change and evolve over time, but they are
remarkably persistent.
Be cautious in making undocumented assumptions concerning the ap-
propriate size of a development or the size of an existing market area.
Initial assumptions should be studied critically and conclusions should
be subjected to testing.
THE SECOND STEP IN MARKET ANALYSIS:
SITE EVALUATION
Studying the market area enables us to take a broad view of the region.
Clearly, the features of one area over another will vary considerably, and
the factors are not always obvious. The features within an area affect the
conclusions. For example, an interstate freeway, major border crossing, or
employment trends in one city or region are going to significantly impact
your conclusions about the market area. This leads into the second step,
the more specific site evaluation.
A site evaluation should include comparative analysis—site to site—of
physical properties such as topography, shape of the land, surrounding
uses, and proximity to important features (such as transportation, for ex-
ample). Comparative analysis helps you to assess a particular property or
series of potential sites with features in mind. A shopping mall situated
near a freeway exit would, naturally, have greater potential than one out-
side the city limits and away from the visibility of potential shoppers, the
convenience of access via roads and transit stations, and the overall practi-
cality of siting a shopping mall on well traveled routes. For residential
property, local transit and access to conveniences such as schools and
shopping, also play an important role in comparative site evaluation.
While it may be obvious to some, it is important that the analyst walk the
The Second Step in Market Analysis: Site Evaluation 15
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site. Sound real estate analysis cannot be done thoroughly from a desk or,
for that matter, from behind the wheel of a car.
The question of zoning cannot be overlooked in site analysis, either.
We cannot simply assume that, given the acquisition of land for a specific
purpose, a rezone is automatically going to be granted. Lower-priced prop-
erty may be so priced due to its current zoning, and local authorities (not
to mention citizens living nearby) are likely to resist a rezone merely for the
convenience (and profit) of development interests. On the other hand, in
some cases approval for rezoning is relatively easy to obtain if the new pro-
ject will benefit the community and local government through increased
tax revenues. The potential problems of investing in land when zoning
problems may arise is one risk factor in the site evaluation. You may need
to compare overlooked but potentially profitable land with more obvious
sites. The cost of already-zoned commercial land may be far higher, but the
risk of antigrowth movements among citizens, or denial of rezone applica-
tions by local governments, is largely removed when zoning issues are not
on the table.
The many questions that arise in site evaluation apply to every type of
land use. The questions include whether a particular site is appropriate for
the planned use; whether it is the best available property; whether there are
amenities close by (public recreation, shopping, schools, etc.); and the
larger question of whether citizens and local government would welcome
your planned use.
Potential resistance to your proposal may exist even when zoning is in
place. Those states that have enacted growth management legislation may
impose restrictive growth limitations.
For example, a common principle in growth management laws is that
a specifically identified urban growth area (UGA) should be in-filled be-
fore any new development is to be allowed outside its boundaries. While
intended as a means for preventing urban sprawl, the actual result may
be draconian density within the urban fringe with little or no growth on
the outside.
For the purpose of site evaluation, it is crucial that you also check state
16 THE ESSENCE OF ANALYSIS
Valuable Resource
A web site linked to many of the state growth management sites, and iden-
tifying additional useful publications on the topics, is http://www.realtor
.org/sg3.nsf/pages/landusezonegrowmgmt?OpenDocument
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and local laws beyond mere zoning. The zoning itself is meaningless if, due
to GMA legislation, you will not be able to gain approval for your project
because the site lies outside the UGA.
Growth management rules may further require that you prove the
need for the development you propose as a precondition for approval.
For example, you may need to evaluate a site within the context of a
county’s inventory of land sharing the same zoning. How much of that
land is developed and under operation? Can you establish a demand for
additional lands both zoned and developed in the same way? You may
discover that opponents will use GMA rules to prevent new development,
even when zoning is appropriate. While we may assume in most cases
that properly zoned land is implied approval for your development, it is
not necessarily so. You may win the point, but delays and legal fees could
make it less feasible. In comparing one site to another in GMA states,
you may need to limit your site evaluation to available land inside the ex-
isting urban fringe, or be prepared to prove the need for your develop-
ment outside that boundary.
THE THIRD STEP IN MARKET ANALYSIS:
DEMAND FACTORS
Closely related to the site evaluation and the practicality of developing a
specific piece of land is the question of demand. Demand may be a factor
of current zoning, inventory of lands zoned in that manner, and the bound-
aries of an urban area that has access to reasonably priced municipal ser-
vices. It may not be limited to the widely understood definition of market
demand.
Because demand does not necessarily mean the economic version of
demand, we need to be cautious in interpreting statements made by others.
For example, a local politician or antigrowth activist may state that “there
is no demand for a project like this” in the area. What does that mean? In
fact, it could mean that forces are at work to prevent such projects,
whether market demand exists.
Economic demand is a form of demand in which consumers need and
want more of a commodity or type of outlet (shopping center, apartments,
houses, etc.) or, when that demand would be likely to follow if and when
the development occurred. For example, a community may reside 60 miles
from the closest large-scale regional mall. The lack of such a mall right in
town does not prove that there is lack of demand; in fact, were such a de-
velopment to be built, it is logical that shoppers would arrive almost imme-
diately at that destination rather than traveling 60 miles.
The Third Step in Market Analysis: Demand Factors 17
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So a study of demand should include an understanding and study of
market forces and trends, but it is not necessarily so limited. We may face a
more political definition of demand as well. At times, the real agenda may
be to prevent change in any form; in that environment, appropriate zoning
and municipal code provisions may not be enough to gain approval for
your project. This is understandable; development is change, and change is
often resisted for no other reason than because it is perceived as negative
by some people. You may need to include as part of your demand analysis
the local political demand for development. In some jurisdictions, political
demand is at zero. From a development perspective, regardless of the eco-
nomic demand, the project may simply not be feasible because of politics.
This problem is prevalent in many areas, but the range of problems as-
sociated with antigrowth sentiment in residential development (and most
notably against low-income housing) is especially severe. As a matter of
public policy, slow growth policies may ultimately prove the point that
when government tries to control growth, it causes only badly planned
growth but cannot truly prevent it. This problem is aptly described in one
GMA-oriented web site, observing:
Jurisdictions are not accommodating growth because they either
refuse to comply with the law, need political cover from NIMBY
mentality, or lack the resources necessary to provide infrastructure,
amenities and low income housing. During times of high demand,
jurisdictions must do more to accommodate the need for housing.
While the private sector determines the market for housing, each ju-
risdiction determines the availability of land to develop through
comprehensive plans, zoning codes, permit requirements, fees, taxes,
and other costs that may serve to encourage or inhibit growth.
11
THE FOURTH STEP IN MARKET ANALYSIS:
EXISTING SUPPLY FACTORS
The concept of supply is as complex as that of demand in areas where leg-
islation has been drafted in an attempt to control or even to prevent
growth from occurring.
In an economic sense, supply is well understood. It is in reference to
the available properties designated for a specific use. When economic
supply is high, prices will soften because demand lags behind. When
supply is short and demand is greater, prices are driven up. This basic
economic concept is not complex, at least when viewed in its theoretical
definition.
18 THE ESSENCE OF ANALYSIS
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There are three specific kinds of real estate supply: already built, under
construction, and proposed. Each of these has a different level of reliabil-
ity, and the variables should be discounted by the analyst. For example, de-
velopers sometimes announce a project that they do not have tenants for,
only as a way to scare off other developers or to try to attract a potential
tenant in order to drive the development; most downtown office buildings
cannot be built or financed without a committed tenant. So it is a common
practice among developers to announce construction more as a marketing
ploy than as a statement of fact.
In a written market study, the questions of supply and demand may
be limited to a purely economic analysis. If a market study is undertaken
to convince lenders of the viability and cash flow strength in a proposed
project, those economic analyses are quite appropriate. The same is true
when the study is designed to attract equity partners or to gain approval
for tax credits in low-income housing, for example. However, if the pur-
pose of a market study is to determine whether a project is viable both
economically and politically, we need to look beyond the economic ver-
sion of supply.
In residential developments, antigrowth conflict is often associated
with questions of supply. Antigrowth forces may argue that there is an ad-
equate supply of housing and it is not necessary to construct more. This ar-
gument is made even when economic demand is evident. However, the
antigrowth argument continues: If we build more houses, more people will
move here. That means more traffic, higher crime, the need for improved
roads, larger schools, and other consequences of growth. So supply may
come to mean need rather than a purely economic study of whether there
are enough buyers available.
For commercial developments, the question of supply is equally com-
plex. A market study would review buying trends, traffic patterns, logis-
tics, and site-specific questions in order to convince the reader of the study
that a mall, for example, would succeed at a specific site. Included in this
study would be commercial vacancies, affected by shifting traffic and
shopping trends, local and regional competition, and typical rental rates
in the area.
Demand for either residential or commercial developments also needs
to include a study of the trend in net absorption or, in the case of single-
family homes, real estate sales trends in recent months.
Net absorption can be expressed as the square footage of available
space over time, modified by vacancy levels. More specifically:
Net absorption = space occupied – space vacated + space demolished
– construction of new space
The Fourth Step in Market Analysis: Existing Supply Factors 19
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For example, in a particular city, residential vacancies have consis-
tently run below 5 percent; however, in the past two years, several hundred
new apartments have been added to inventory and today, vacancies range
seasonally between 10 percent and 15 percent—a substantial increase. So
net absorption has diminished. The question next becomes, How long will
it take for the market to absorb the oversupply so that net absorption will
improve? This estimate would have to be based on economic and demo-
graphic trends in the area.
In the case of properties for sale, demand is judged based on several
forms of analysis. Checking with local lenders and Multiple Listing Service
(MLS) offices, we find statistics concerning housing sales over the past one
to three years. What is the trend in the inventory of properties? (Inventory
is the number of homes available for sale, expressed in terms of the months
of demand. For example, if 200 homes are sold per month and there are
currently 600 homes on the market, then there is a three-month inventory.)
The trend in inventory levels reveals the demand. If the inventory level is
growing, then demand is falling. The trend reveals the health of the local
housing market.
A related test is the spread between the asked price and the final sales
price for properties. The wider the spread, the softer the demand. In mar-
kets where demand is exceptionally high, spread tends to be low. So again
reviewing the trend, we would analyze demand in terms of whether the
spread is expanding or contracting.
The third important test is time on the market. How long does it take
properties to sell? In a high-demand market, well-priced properties sell
very quickly and, of course, when demand is soft, even bargain-priced
properties may remain on the market for many months. What is the trend?
The answer reveals the level of demand and, more revealing, the trend in
that demand.
Developers hiring outside firms to prepare market studies should en-
sure that the firm is qualified in the particular type of development being
studied. The study should also identify specific factors given the market in
question, rather than relying upon some generalized formula. For example,
many studies are prepared based on markets defined via radius (three or
five miles are common markets in such studies). But this method is not ap-
plicable in most areas. A real market may consist of people living along a
highway as far out as 10 or 15 miles while few other potential buyers or
consumers will be found within a mile-based proximity. The underlying as-
sumptions of the study should be based on the geographical and local fea-
tures rather than on a formula that almost certainly does not apply. For
example, drive time is often a more reliable indicator of markets than ac-
tual physical distance.
20 THE ESSENCE OF ANALYSIS
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One expert has noted that one significant error
is the failure to recognize that a new development will be able to
capture only a share of the market, rather than the entire market.
New projects do not necessarily create new demand. Many ana-
lysts incorrectly assume that if there is sufficient demand in the
competitive market to absorb five lots per month, a new project
will automatically capture all this demand.
12
The same argument applies to economic modeling within the market
study. Broad-based assumptions should be rejected and the market study
based on the local realities and economic mix. This is essential if the study
is to truly identify the market in terms of supply and demand. Such eco-
nomic features cannot be formula-based because every region and munici-
pality is unique in terms of its demographic and economic mix. The market
study should analyze the area, rather than be designed to impose general-
ized assumptions on all areas. A competitive analysis within the market
study should be prepared along similar lines: The market study should in-
volve analysis of specific competitive forces rather than upon generalized
observations about the nature of competition.
How can you determine whether a particular consulting firm uses boiler-
plate assumptions or actually goes into the field and studies the market? One
effective method is to ask to see copies of recent market studies and to com-
pare them. Since many such studies are publicly available and not proprietary
(such as studies prepared for government program clients), a consulting firm
should be willing and able to provide copies of recent market studies.
THE VALUE OF THE FEASIBILITY STUDY
The market study is intended to examine conditions of the local market
and to demonstrate, by way of compelling supply and demand factors, that
the development proposal is justified. In comparison, a feasibility study
questions the financial aspects of the proposed development—tax features,
cash flow, and likely profit or loss—in order to show potential lenders (or
equity partners) that the numbers will work.
While the question of feasibility may be largely financial, it is more than
an accounting exercise. The typical accounting revenue forecast, cost and ex-
pense budget, and cash flow projection is limited to documenting possible
outcomes; the feasibility study, in fact, is far more. It is financial in nature, but
it should be compelling beyond what the numbers reveal. A lender reviewing
a feasibility study should be able to conclude that the risk of financing the
The Value of the Feasibility Study 21
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project is acceptable. Feasibility should not translate to an attempt to show
that there are no risks; a lender or potential equity partner would not accept
such a premise, and, under any standards, such a claim would not be sup-
portable. However, the question of risk is going to be on the minds of anyone
approached by developers for financing or investment purposes.
Feasibility, in its most reasonable definition, is part budget and part
disclosure document. It is properly treated as part of a test of the financial
potential, risk, and financing required. All of this, which is part of the due
diligence process, is aimed at testing the assumptions underlying the pro-
ject. Part of that process—and a crucial part for the lender or the in-
vestor—is identifying risk. This risk may come not only in the most
obvious forms of net loss or negative cash flow. In some instances, a far
more troubling risk may be the possibility that initial financing will not be
adequate to complete the project.
The feasibility study presents a pro-forma version of what is expected
to occur during the acquisition, construction, completion, tenancy, and
eventual sale of the project. What happens if initial financing or equity in-
vestment is not enough to complete these steps? Where will additional
funding be acquired? Of course, the fact that the study attempts to show
how currently known facts might look in the future—in other words, a
forecast—should be accepted as one of many possible outcomes. We
should be aware of an important distinction:
A forecast is not a prediction. Predictions require a leap in logic
and are not necessarily based on known or knowable current in-
formation. A prediction does not attempt to show how the future
relates to the present; it is stated as a fact, independent of and un-
related to what currently exists. A forecast, on the other hand, log-
ically links current information with events that are expected to
occur. In a forecast the future is not unrelated to the world as it
currently exists or will exist; rather, current and future events are
viewed as inexorably linked in some logical way.
13
The difference between these two is central to the theme. Consider, for
example, the point of view of the people who are asked to bring money to
the table—lenders or investors. Because the initial financing is the basis for
identifying potential return to investors (or cash flow to lenders), if that fi-
nancing is inadequate, it presents a very serious dilemma. More financing
will be necessary if the initial lender or investor is to profit; however, the
assumptions all change if and when additional funding will be needed.
With this risk in mind, the feasibility study has to address the financial risk
in very comprehensive terms.
22 THE ESSENCE OF ANALYSIS
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As a planning document, the feasibility study serves as a risk disclosure
summary within the due diligence process. It should follow the market
study. Clearly, disclosure has to be based on market assumptions, so a fea-
sibility study cannot precede a test of the market itself. In the market study,
the big question is, Does it make sense in this market to proceed, given site
attributes, supply and demand, and competitive realities? In comparison,
the feasibility study should ask the questions, Can we afford to build the
project as originally conceived, or do we need to examine costs with mar-
ket and financial attributes in mind?
The market study indicates how the project should be completed in
terms of improvement size and scope (thus, cost). So the assumptions that
go into the feasibility study are based on the market study. That is the en-
tire assumption base, in fact, for studying risks and determining whether or
not a lender can reasonably expect timely payments or an investor can ex-
pect a return and, ultimately, a profit.
If a developer prepares an in-house market study and feasibility study
and then goes forward to find financing, it would be normal for the picture
to be optimistic. And many development firms do, in fact, prepare their
market and business planning documents on their own. However, the real
test of feasibility is achieved when an outside, independent consultant
looks at the same questions objectively. As long as the developer pays the
bill, we may expect a degree of bias and that is unavoidable. However, an
outside consultant should adhere to certain standards and that is an impor-
tant feature of the independent feasibility study. An appraisal firm may of-
fer market and feasibility services but may lack the accounting skills to
prepare a comprehensive cash flow analysis; their emphasis would likely be
restricted to cost/value questions. An appraisal firm with a qualified real es-
tate department that specializes in feasibility studies or a consulting firm
with demonstrated experience in preparing feasibility studies, may be the
best source for preparation of this feasibility study. A word of caution,
however, is offered by a principal in one such organization:
Once you have identified qualified feasibility consultants, there are
other factors that need to be weighed in making the selection. The
most important factor is whether or not the chemistry is right and
the match is a compatible one. This doesn’t mean hiring a firm that
will always agree with you. It means hiring people who have the in-
tegrity to tell the truth as they see it, and at the same time work
with the people in your organization in a team effort that is not ad-
versarial in nature. You must feel that you can trust the judgment
of the feasibility consultant that you hire, without feeling that you
can’t challenge their interpretation of the data gathered.
14
The Value of the Feasibility Study 23
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The feasibility study is most effective when it includes three key fea-
tures. First, the pro-forma number crunching has to be based on realistic
underlying assumptions about financing, costs and rents, and these as-
sumptions have to be critically examined to ensure that they are fair and
accurate. Second, the assumptions used in the feasibility study must be an
outgrowth of the market study. Why? Because “recommendations re-
garding overall project size, unit sizes and mix will drive the overall pro-
ject cost as reflected in the development budget.”
15
Third, a feasibility
study should include a series of metrics so that the reader can better un-
derstand the cash flow statement. This could include time value of money
calculations such as the Internal Rate of Return (IRR) or Present Value
calculations. Other metrics that examine return for both investor and
lender should be examined (such as cash-on-cash on both leveraged and
unleveraged bases; loan-to-value; and debt service coverage ratios). Fi-
nally, a competent analyst will include sensitivity analyses that show how
small changes in underlying variables (i.e., capitalization rate) may result
in large changes in project value.
Feasibility cannot be studied in a vacuum but should serve as an out-
growth of competitive analysis as well as an understanding of supply and
demand locally; if the market study shapes the development as it should,
then the feasibility study shapes the financial questions in a meaningful
way, including risk assessment as well as acquisition and development cost
levels and cash flow.
One possible outcome of the feasibility study is the conclusion that, in
fact, the project as originally conceived does not work out financially. If the
investment cost is too high based on potential cash flow, the conclusion
may be that the whole project will have to be scaled back. In the most ex-
treme case, the idea may have to be abandoned and the land used for other
projects (or if land has not yet been acquired, the whole project would be
abandoned). In those instances, it is far less expensive to pay the cost of a
market study and a feasibility study, than it would be to attempt to finance
the project. The cost of proceeding when the numbers do not work would
be far greater for all concerned.
WHO USES MARKET ANALYSIS?
Should market analysis be performed only as a means for obtaining financ-
ing? The market study and feasibility study are essential for raising money
for a project, but is that the end of the process?
In fact, market analysis and the output obtained from it are valuable
24 THE ESSENCE OF ANALYSIS
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planning documents. These can and should be utilized throughout the
project by architect, engineer, and the project planning team. In develop-
ing the raw material, the individual or firm preparing a study considers
population, income, employment trends, commuting and traffic patterns,
and more. But the market and feasibility studies should evolve beyond a
summary of raw data if they are to be effective. Many ineffective reports
end up gathering dust in the project manager’s office, because they are not
designed as action tools. Thus, the cost and effort that go into market
analysis may be passively organized and presented, so that no meaningful
use will be made of it. As an alternative, the document may be designed to
provide vision and guidance to the many participants in making the pro-
ject a reality.
A lot of emphasis is placed on marketability analysis of a project, ei-
ther in terms of rental cash flow or—if the developed property is to be
sold—how to maximize market value. But marketability analysis is only a
small part of the larger concept of market analysis. The latter is effective
when it includes the elements of the market study and feasibility study; but
it becomes exceptionally effective when the information and conclusions
are presented in a way that provides the project vision that is so important.
Elements of that vision include community involvement along with plan-
ning at the municipal level; innovative design; sensitivity to local concerns;
and the feasibility of the project in every way and not solely in terms of fi-
nancial outcome.
The utilization of market analysis is so critical to a project’s acceptance
locally because no two projects are the same. Any attempt to use a cookie
cutter method of developing projects is certain to meet with resistance.
Variation in style, site planning, and price range should be based on a list
of local attributes. These include citizen involvement and/or resistance to
the development, local political mood, and the far more tangible site-spe-
cific attributes: topography, proximity to traffic patterns, and surrounding
zoning, for example.
In considering the many diverse uses of market analysis, the most ef-
fective studies are those that meet the needs and answer the questions of
each of the interested parties: lenders or equity partners (capital forma-
tion), developers or contractors (project generation), architects and design-
ers (those responsible for creating aesthetic qualities as well as meeting
local code requirements within the site), marketing interests or users (buy-
ers or sellers, landowners and tenants, or consumers), and maintenance in-
terests (property managers).
It is useful to review the end-user on a matrix of objectives, as shown
in Table 1.1.
Who Uses Market Analysis? 25
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THE GOOD AND THE BAD ON STUDIES
The analyst needs to remember who usually commissions the market
study: the developer. Do not confuse the market study or feasibility
study with the more independent and objective appraisal, for example.
Some guidelines:
The analyst must remain objective. There is nothing wrong with a
study concluding that the site is not great and/or hard to build on.
26 THE ESSENCE OF ANALYSIS
TABLE 1.1 Market Analysis Users and Their Objectives
Lenders Developers Architects Buyers/ Property
Objectives Partners Builders Designers Sellers Managers
Promotion and initial x
marketing efforts.
Communication with x x
local politicians and
decision makers for
project approval;
outreach to land use
and community groups.
Employment and x x x
relocation of corporate
tenants/buyers.
Investment strategies or x x
financing efforts.
Project planning and x x x
design, long-term.
Cash flow projections x x x x
and financial analysis
for investor profitability
and lender risk
assessment.
Due diligence, multiple x x x x
levels of review.
Management of completed x
projects—tenant matters
and maintenance.
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Take caution if and when the developer’s objectives are not clearly de-
fined. The analyst cannot be expected to know the purpose of the
study without a clear definition.
The drive for profits by the consulting company blurs objectivity. Be
wary of the consultant that produces a glowing report promising high
profits, but that glazes over the risk.
The study should be performed as a team. No one person should be
expected to produce an objective summary of all of the market and
feasibility issues. The team not only assigns work to members based on
expertise; it also provides a good checks and balances system ensuring
overall objectivity.
Many projects suffer from fragmented development planning. In all
too many instances, the planning phase is finished before anyone fig-
ures out what the demand is. The process cannot be broken up and
performed piecemeal. It has to move forward in an intelligent way. As
the saying goes, Don’t put the cart of desired results before the horse of
as yet unknown demand.
Lack of strong personnel damages the process of market analysis. A
lot of damage can be done by a staff that is afraid to give the boss bad
news, lose a profitable client, or fear sounding negative. Telling the
truth based on a well-researched report and fully documented findings
provides integrity to the process.
The analyst should also make note of 10 common weaknesses in the
market study process:
1. Inadequate analysis of indirect economic forces, such as environmen-
tal, social, and political. It may be possible to build the project, but
what is the community’s stance on development? Research the politi-
cal issues locally, in the early stages.
2. Using best-case numbers. It is far more valuable and realistic—from
marketing as well as fiscal points of view—to use a range of possible
outcomes: best, moderate, and worst-case.
3. Ignoring the importance of sensitivity analysis. Some numbers, if
tweaked a little bit, can dramatically change the projections. Cap rate
is a typical one. When dealing with highly sensitive numbers or ex-
ceptionally long-term projections, a sensitivity analysis is appropri-
ate—a good place to insert a worst-case analysis.
4. Underestimation of infrastructure cost. Among the more expensive
possible problems is the failure to realistically appraise the opera-
tional costs of the project. Remember, the devil is in the details. But
the details are expensive.
The Good and the Bad on Studies 27
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5. Inadequate analysis, particularly of cash flow. To many analysts, cash
flow is too elusive to fully document. This is an error. Carefully docu-
ment all of your assumptions, so that if and when the numbers start
to vary, you can go back and identify the cause. You will need to pin
down the variance specifically: as related to market data, tax calcula-
tions, debt service, for example.
6. Excessive use of statistics without any hard, realistic conclusions.
Numbers are great, but only to the extent that they lead you some-
where. Avoid the temptation to replace difficult conclusions with con-
fusing numbers and test runs using estimates only.
7. Failure to edit data property. When reports depend on irrelevant
data, how do we find the relevant parts? Market data is hard to get.
So when you have limited data, be honest about it. The dis-
closure of these limitations is far more valuable than the use of num-
bers that simply do not help. At least then, the reader can ascertain
what the situation is. A lack of clarity increases the risk; and if noth-
ing else, the analyst’s job is to highlight where those risks lie.
8. Conclusions drawn on numbers but lacking consumer surveys. Such
surveys may be expensive and time-consuming, but they are often in-
valuable in what they reveal.
9. Overvaluation of land. The method you use to set value of land ver-
sus improvements will affect all subsequent ratios and financial
tests—for lenders and investors, not to mention potential tenants or
buyers. Depend on appraisal documents to set a fair value, and avoid
the temptation to alter the numbers.
10. A failure to critically assess management. Who is the development
team? What is their experience? Even the best market analysis is use-
less unless management knows how to make it work. This problem
may be more relevant to the developer than to the analyst, who has
no direct power to make changes. But as a part of the analysis, it does
not hurt to emphasize the importance of professional management as
a linchpin of a project’s success.
In Chapter 2, we take these concepts to the next step and provide you
with the means to put analysis to work to make the project succeed.
28 THE ESSENCE OF ANALYSIS
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CHAPTER
2
Using Analysis Effectively
We may analyze markets using theories alone; however, we make
these analyses powerful tools for decision-making only when we
are able to express our findings in practical terms. This chapter
provides an overview of the analytical process. It explains how
analysis becomes an integral part of your business plan and its
underlying assumptions; how the scientific method is applied to
the study of real estate markets; and how to employ facts in the
context of three distinct versions of real estate supply and
demand.
T
he theory of market analysis is a starting point in our quest for informa-
tion. However, once we have mastered the theories—meaning we at least
know what questions need to be asked—a more challenging concept is how
to make that information useful and practical.
How do we convert market analysis into forms of action?
FACTORS AFFECTING MARKET ANALYSIS—
BEYOND THE NUMBERS
The market study and feasibility study may represent typical documents
as reflections of a properly completed market analysis process. However,
the mere presentation of fact is not enough. Just as accountants may
present financial statements as rows and columns of numbers, those
statements become most valuable when the accountant also explains
what those numbers reveal. In real estate analysis, the same rule applies.
There are several important differences, however, between specific real
29
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estate analysis and the more universal interpretation of financial results,
including:
1. Local market variables. Real estate trends cannot be studied on a na-
tional or even regional basis. Local trends—those trends in the imme-
diate vicinity—are all that really matter. Unlike most other forms of
market and financial analysis, real estate analysis is, indeed, highly lo-
cal in nature.
2. Site-specific attributes. The nature of a site itself also affects the meth-
ods you employ in translating market analysis. Two sites of identical
size located next to each other may have vastly different potential due
to attributes. For example, site A may be visible from an interstate,
have a flat topography, and good drainage. Site B may be on a slope
with a tendency for partial flooding and the need for improved
drainage, and be invisible from the interstate or other well-traveled
roads. Clearly, these two sites are not comparable in terms of market
potential.
3. Current market economic conditions. If your market analysis was
completed six months ago, the question of whether it remains accurate
today must be raised. This is a chronic and recurring problem in real
estate market analysis. Moving a development from concept to com-
pletion is a long-term venture, but current economic conditions will
change during that process. This is one of many risk elements that
have to be considered by developers and builders, lenders or investors,
and end-users. If a robust market disappears by the time the project is
completed, those anchor tenants who signed long-term leases, the
lenders and venture capital investors, and the developer and builder,
will all be faced with the unpleasant possibility that the project no
longer passes the basic test of demand in the current market. Thus, any
study of current market conditions needs not only to consider the cur-
rent snapshot, but also to attempt to judge the longer-term trend.
4. Ever-shifting demographics. What happens to a residential develop-
ment concept if the largest employer in town closes shop and moves
elsewhere? What happens if an area suffering high unemployment sud-
denly finds itself the site of a major new employer? Clearly, these
changes in employment would be among many possible factors that
would change local demographic factors. People relocate to follow em-
ployment, perhaps more so than they move to escape high-crime areas.
Today’s demographic trends may shift unexpectedly if and when other
factors—notably economic—change in significant ways.
5. Developer/owner imposed restrictions. Often overlooked in the mar-
ket analysis is the developer’s own restrictions. Some developers have
30 USING ANALYSIS EFFECTIVELY
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realized that investing in exceptional design, working closely with lo-
cal citizens and government interests, and striving to improve local
conditions provide great flexibility and creativity to the company or
individual preparing market and feasibility studies. However, some
other developers take a bare bones approach and are not willing to
spend more up-front capital than required minimally. Their design
tends to be flat and unimaginative; communication locally is poor
and often leads to (and in some cases, creates) antidevelopment senti-
ment; and successful developers have to maintain at least an interest
in social and public policy, if for no other reason than that it can
boost profits.
6. Financing limitations from lenders or equity partners. Few projects are
initiated with the mandate, “Money is no object.” Invariably, lenders
will not only specify a limited risk level they are willing to assume (and
that is almost always less than 100 percent of the project’s require-
ments). Lenders will also demand ongoing accountability in project
completion and scheduling. Equity partners will impose similar restric-
tions, concerned not only with project costs and scheduling, but
equally with cash flow and profitability after completion.
7. Design elements and their influence on outcome. The marketability of
a project will depend to a significant degree on the design itself. A
plain, minimally compliant design may pass government standards but
will not add to the ambient nature of the surrounding area. Excep-
tional design is more than how buildings and roads are placed; it im-
plies innovative architectural elements, heating and cooling systems,
and environmental decisions as well. Investment in exceptional design
can create dividends in future market value; thus, market analysis
should take into account the design philosophy of the developer and
architect. The key is to focus on architecture as not just making a
building pretty, but rather to focus on how design can boost the opera-
tional efficiency of a building on behalf of its tenants.
8. Local support of or opposition to a project. The question of local atti-
tudes toward new development cannot be ignored in the feasibility of a
project. Because financial outcome depends on careful scheduling, it is
critical to be aware of the effects of local opposition and the potential
for project delays. Developers can take many steps to prevent or mini-
mize opposition through preemptive steps like early communication.
Most opposition movements thrive in information vacuums, so the key
to reducing opposition is to make contact and maintain it with citizen
groups, agencies, and elected officials. Other developers choose to take
a silent approach and try to drive the process through quickly to mini-
mize dissent.
Factors Affecting Market Analysis—Beyond the Numbers 31
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THE ANALYTICAL PROCESS
There is an all too human tendency to begin with an assumed conclu-
sion, and then to seek out facts that support that conclusion. However,
this tendency can also serve as a trap. One possible way to view the ana-
lytical process is to seek the truth, even if the truth contradicts what we
expect to find.
The scientific method is a process employed in analysis, with the
purpose of finding an accurate and unbiased answer to a question or to a
series of questions. The scientist, in testing an initial hypothesis, is satis-
fied with results because, at the very least, a negative outcome eliminates
one possibility. When Thomas Edison stated that he had tried more than
2,000 ideas before finding a working carbonized filament for the light
bulb, he was asked, “Does that mean you failed 2,000 times?” He
replied, “No, it means that I found 2,000 ways to not make the light
bulb work.”
There are four specific steps to the scientific method, designed to not
only test ideas but also to reliably eliminate possible outcomes that do not
work. These steps are:
1. Observation. In the case of market analysis, an initial observation may
be an apparent growth in the demand for market-rate housing.
2. Hypothesis. The developer may begin with the belief that it will be
profitable to acquire land, build houses, and sell them at a profit.
3. Prediction. The developer hires experts to perform market and feasi-
bility studies.
4. Testing. Objective tests are performed to ensure the validity of the pre-
vious three steps. For example, cash flow projections may prove that
the idea has merit; it might also prove that the idea as conceived will
not work.
32 USING ANALYSIS EFFECTIVELY
Valuable Resource
For information about the scientific method, check the following web
sites:
http://teacher.nsrl.rochester.edu/phy_labs/AppendixE/AppendixE.html
http://www.selu.edu/Academics/Education/EDF600/Mod3/
http://koning.ecsu.ctstateu.edu/Plants_Human/scimeth.html
ccc_kahr_ch02_29-46.qxd 8/3/05 11:50 AM Page 32
In the performance of these steps, it is all too easy to derail the scien-
tific method. If a developer views market analysis as a tool for obtaining
financing—in other words, as a means to marketing the idea and nothing
else—then the validity of conclusions may be in jeopardy. If the mandate
given to the consultant is to prove a specific conclusion, then the outcome
has been predetermined and will not be accurate.
You need to ensure that the hypothesis is valid and that the right types
of tests are performed. Otherwise, the outcome will not be reliable. In the
example of a market study for real estate, possible flaws in the hypothesis
may emerge from the study, including:
An inaccurate picture of demand. In a rental housing project such as
apartment buildings, developers may proceed based on an analysis of
waiting lists. However, these are not exclusively made up of people
who lack housing; these lists may include people currently residing in
other rental housing who desire to relocate. Thus, demand assump-
tions based on the existence of waiting lists could be highly inaccurate.
The construction of new rental housing units may serve to increase va-
cancies in existing housing. In fact, real market demand could be far
lower than the market study concludes. This is difficult to know be-
cause many agencies, such as local housing authorities, keep their
waiting lists confidential; and location services often inflate both sup-
ply and demand sides to create the illusion of more activity on the
market. Given these problems in quantifying the real level of supply
and demand, it is impossible to discover how many people on those
lists currently have housing and would simply move, versus the un-
known number of people who want to relocate in the area or section
of town, but cannot find apartments.
A less than accurate picture of the market area. In the case of residen-
tial projects, the big question involves source of tenants. Where will
residents come from and where do they live now? If, in order to justify
the construction of additional units, the assumed market area is ex-
tended far from the site, it becomes increasingly unreliable.
Misunderstood employment statistics. A study of local employment
and trends in employment is easily misrepresented or misunder-
stood. For example, the major employer in an area may be down-
sizing, meaning that in the future there will be fewer jobs. So even
though this employer provides a lot of jobs locally, the level of
new jobs may be more dismal than an uninformed or biased study
would reveal. Another reality that may affect results is seasonal em-
ployment. If an area depends on tourism during warmer months,
what happens in the off-season? What may appear to be a robust
The Analytical Process 33
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economy with low unemployment may, in practice, be that way only
during half the year.
These possible areas affecting the reliability of the market study—and
possibly other conclusions as well—demonstrate that the scientific method
is a useful tool for avoiding inaccurate conclusions in the study of supply
and demand. On this topic, one writer has cautioned that
It is easy sometimes to focus on supply, because you go out and
count the trees—or homes or office buildings. But how does the
supply of space in existence, under construction, planned, or oth-
erwise expected to come on line correlate with historical, current,
and forecast levels of demand? Are any apparent variables ex-
plainable? . . . it is easy to focus on supply. Demand is much more
difficult to determine.
1
Assumptions or predictions based on artificial or misread demand for
rental units leads to exaggeration on the demand side—one of the great
problems in attempting to justify demand assumptions when, in fact, only
the supply side has been identified and, of course, it also may have been ex-
aggerated. Lacking strong assumptions on the demand side, it is all too
easy to also misread local indicators.
The testing phase will be flawed if, in fact, the wrong data is tested.
The developer and/or the consultant preparing the market study may inter-
view the head of a housing authority for example, who confirms the
premise that demand for new rental housing is high. Local politicians may
voice similar beliefs. Ultimately, though, the testing will be flawed if supply
is adequate for the real level of demand, and demand itself is inflated
through (1) duplication of names on several lists, (2) names not removed
when people find housing or move away, or (3) names on waiting lists of
people occupying units who are part of the current supply. In cases where
the developer wants a project to proceed, the incentive may be to maximize
the demand for a particular project. As long as the developer is in control
of how the market study is prepared and presented, the testing will be
questioned.
The same problems with methodology would extend to the feasibility
study. Any relatively skilled accountant can manipulate the numbers to
make assumptions work out to reflect future positive cash flow. But again,
if the underlying assumptions are not accurate, the financial projections
will not be accurate, either.
A developer approaching potential lenders or equity partners—not to
mention agencies granting tax credits, for example—may dispel suspicion
34 USING ANALYSIS EFFECTIVELY
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by subjecting their proposal to a completely neutral consultant. By allow-
ing a lender or equity partner to select a consulting firm that includes pro-
fessional accounting and appraisers, the opportunity to create a desired
outcome will be limited. While the majority of developers would be willing
to subject a sound marketing idea to independent analysis, everyone will
want to be aware that the minority may desire to use the system—includ-
ing local planners and citizens, tax incentive programs, and, of course,
lenders or investors—to create a desired outcome rather than to study the
initial assumptions objectively.
MARKET ANALYSIS AND BUSINESS PLANNING
In some respects, the combined market and feasibility studies serve the
same purpose as the more generalized business plan. However, there are
important differences as well, notably when real estate is involved.
A business plan usually combines detailed budgets and financial as-
sumptions with an extended-period marketing plan. This normally is found
in business environments where the product or service is well-understood.
In real estate, the market and feasibility studies begin with the following
assumptions:
The market is well-understood. The business plan usually is aimed at
moving product or service to a well-understood market. A food man-
ufacturer sells to grocery store chains and identifies the shopper as its
primary market. Financial service firms target families needing invest-
ment and insurance advice. In the case of real estate, the market may
be more elusive, but its elements remain constant. The end-user and
the all-important physical location of that end-user will directly im-
pact how a project is developed. We need to begin on an important
basic theme:
The product itself may also be a variable. If we begin with a project
concept, its very feasibility will be determined by the market study, fol-
lowed by a test of the financial assumptions. We may discover, in fact,
that the original concept needs modification, as a factor of market de-
Market Analysis and Business Planning 35
Assumption: In real estate, we know who constitutes our market,
and where that market is located.
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mand levels and costs. In the business plan, the product does not vary,
but the market does. In the real estate market analysis process, both
market and product have to be treated as potential variables. A second
theme emerges:
Market factors, either economic or demographic, may change. In the
business plan, a starting point often grows from a well-understood,
unchanging economic and demographic data set. For example, a com-
pany that runs theme parks understands the demographic it serves:
families with small children. It also knows that its own financial pro-
jections have to be based on national economic conditions. In compar-
ison, the question of demographics is not specific in real estate
developments. That depends on other local factors such as employ-
ment trends and housing costs. Economics also shift, at times during
the project completion itself. Economic and demographic factors, by
definition, are cyclical and trend-based and are not stationary. This is
easily overlooked but an important distinction to keep in mind. The
third important theme to remember in market analysis is:
We cannot treat real estate market analysis in an identical manner as
the business plan. Another way to make the distinction is from the devel-
oper’s own perspective. The developer’s market analysis is specific to a pro-
ject and site, the local market and current trends, and the financing
prospects and limitations. However, that developer’s own business plan en-
compasses the entire business and marketing theme, objectives and stan-
dards, and profitability.
The business plan is an essential self-defining document for the business
venture. The real estate marketing analysis refers to a specific project. The
36 USING ANALYSIS EFFECTIVELY
Assumption: Our concept of the real estate product is determined
not by the original idea as much as by the outcome of critical
market and financial analysis.
Assumption: Market factors affecting both competitive and finan-
cial feasibility are always variables and have to be treated as cycli-
cal phenomena.
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business plan defines (among other matters) the owner’s objectives. For ex-
ample, a particular developer, architect, or builder specializing in upper-
income markets may establish a strong priority for creating projects of
innovative design and exceptional artistic quality. Another firm might not
even discuss the issue of quality, preferring to establish profit goals only.
Low quality is acceptable if appropriate to a particular project. If a devel-
oper is building low-income housing units, the kitchens will not include
marble countertops. While we do not suggest that the importance of busi-
ness planning should be ignored, we emphasize that it is not the same as
market analysis. The consideration of a specific site and its market potential
is part of the specific job, just as a builder lays a foundation for a building,
and just as a writer outlines chapters for a book and defines the potential
reader as a starting point. Developers, architects, designers, builders, and
lenders or investors, all need the exact level of definition for both markets
and financial projections that are derived from market analysis.
THE KEYS TO MARKET ANALYSIS:
SUPPLY AND DEMAND
At the heart of the business plan are budgets, goals, and market definitions.
This is a well-understood concept, and the process of preparing and finaliz-
ing a business plan may invigorate management and employees. At the
heart of market analysis is the dominant economic consideration: supply
and demand
While the premise of supply and demand in a free economy is well-
known as a basic premise, the application of these forces in real estate mar-
ket analysis is more complex. In fact, market analysis needs to consider
three different forms of supply and demand: These are in relation to the
obvious market form (supply and demand for real estate); the associated
rental supply and demand (tenant demand versus rental supply); and capi-
tal (financing and associated interest rates or equity capital from investors).
Real Estate Supply and Demand
The most apparent and best-known form of supply and demand is reflected
in the market value of real estate. The theory is not complex. The higher the
supply of properties on the market of a specific type (single-family residen-
tial, retail, or industrial, for example), the softer the demand; and the higher
the number of buyers, the higher the demand. These factors and the trends
they follow determine market value. When properties are in short supply—
meaning there are more buyers than sellers—prices are forced upward. And
The Keys to Market Analysis: Supply and Demand 37
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when there are an excess of properties—meaning there are more sellers than
buyers—prices level out and may even fall.
While most people may be aware of real estate supply and demand ba-
sics, they may not appreciate the trends that underlie and are reflected by
these same forces. A lot of information is presented in the press and
through industry associations on a national level; but in fact, all real estate
trends are strictly local. We cannot judge the market in New York City by
the same standards as the market in Sioux Falls, South Dakota. Every as-
pect of the market, attributes, economic and demographic trends, and
competition are dissimilar so any attempt at comparison is invalid. How-
ever, if we review real estate supply and demand on a national level, we see
only an average; such averages do not reveal any meaningful information
about what is happening in a specific city or town or from one neighbor-
hood to another.
Some analysts make the mistake of assuming that real estate trends can
be tracked through a study of national averages, overlooking the local real-
ities of real estate prices; or of trying to associate real estate valuation with
inflation, as expressed by the Consumer Price Index (CPI). Housing, in
fact, is not included in the CPI. “Price level changes for items such as toma-
toes and video recorders have very little to do with changes in real estate
prices,” one analyst reminds us, and “price levels should not be viewed as
independent of a specific market.”
2
It is fair to observe that real estate trends vary from one location to an-
other, whether we are discussing towns, cities, counties, or metropolitan
areas. But the local nature of real estate is even more specific. The price of
a home on a busy street will differ from an identical home one block away
on a quieter street. The location of a regional mall near an exit on Inter-
state 35 just north of Austin, Texas, will have attributes far different from
those for a strip mall in the southern part of Sacramento, California. The
attributes, specific location, age and quality, and other competitive factors
make it impossible to compare two dissimilar properties when their areas
have nothing in common.
Supply and demand in real estate—to the extent that investment value
is affected—must be reviewed not on any national average basis, but on a
local basis. Even checking the housing trends on a regional basis are less
than revealing. For example, the Northeast encompasses areas including
rural Pennsylvania as well as Manhattan’s Upper East Side. The West in-
cludes the Yuma desert and downtown Phoenix, vastly dissimilar markets.
The reports on these regional markets are merely regional averages; to
judge your local market accurately, it is imperative that such averages not
be used; the local market forces are all that matter. National and regional
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averages may be useful for comparative analysis between a specific site and
those averages; but regional and national averages are not the market in
any single city, town, county, or neighborhood.
Rental Supply and Demand
While the well-known market supply and demand dominates the attention
of most investors, an equally important variation is the market for rentals.
When the number of available rentals exceeds the number of renters, mar-
ket rents decline; and when the number of renters exceeds available rentals,
market rents rise.
This market is directly observed through trends in occupancy levels.
When occupancy is consistently high—97 percent or 98 percent, for exam-
ple—it indicates that the demand for rentals is high. When occupancy slips
and begins to trend downward, it indicates that an excess of rentals has oc-
curred. In some markets, these trends are seasonal and should be observed
as such. For example, if a large portion of the local population consists of
college students, of whom the majority are invariably renters, the supply
and demand should be expected to reflect changes tied directly to the
The Keys to Market Analysis: Supply and Demand 39
Valuable Resources
The National Association of Realtors (www.realtor.org) compiles and
publishes housing data based on regional studies. The regions as defined
by the NAR include:
Northeast: Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire,
New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and
Vermont.
Midwest: Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota,
Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, Ohio, South Dakota, and
Wisconsin.
South: Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida,
Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, North
Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia,
and West Virginia.
West: Alaska, Arizona, California, Colorado, Hawaii, Idaho,
Montana, Nevada, New Mexico, Oregon, Utah, Washington,
and Wyoming.
ccc_kahr_ch02_29-46.qxd 8/3/05 11:50 AM Page 39
school schedule. If the school does not offer a complete summer curricu-
lum, vacancies will rise and the market will see reduced demand for the
season. However, once school begins anew, that trend will immediately
turn around. As with all trend analysis, seasonal variation should be taken
into account to ensure that the conclusions drawn are accurate.
Cause and effect in rental occupancy rates reflects trends in develop-
ment. If the area experiences exceptionally high volume of apartment
construction, the supply and demand interaction will be affected as soon
as units become available. Historically, development tends to outpace de-
mand, so the market is continually moving back and forth between sup-
ply and demand. Short-term trends are chaotic and it is often difficult to
spot trends without a broader view. However, from a landlord’s point of
view, whether involved with residential or commercial properties, the di-
rection of the trend often defines cash flow success or failure. In the
course of market analysis, identifying the longer-term trend and antici-
pating the three- to five-year likely supply and demand realities is an im-
portant step.
It is also essential to recognize that real estate supply and demand (re-
flected in the prices of properties, the time they remain on the market, and
comparisons between listed price and final sales price) is not always the
same as the rental market’s supply and demand. Much depends on the
price level for properties and market rent levels. It is entirely possible that
some markets will experience strong market demand but weak rental de-
mand. For example, in a predominantly retirement-aged community, the
majority of people may own their homes but, due to the lack of jobs, few
younger individuals and families are likely to be found in the community.
Conversely, it is also possible to witness a market with very strong rental
demand and at the same time, a weakness in residential property prices.
This may occur in areas with large student populations but relatively few
jobs. Medium-sized cities in the Midwest may meet this definition. A large
student population means higher than average rental demand for the popu-
lation level, but at the same time there may be little requirement for owner-
occupied housing.
This disparity further demonstrates why it is essential to study every
local market individually. Formulas do not work everywhere. For example,
if a market analysis were to conclude that shopping trends represent a spe-
cific factor per capita, how might that conclusion be different in dissimilar
markets? A county located near the Canadian border may be inaccurately
gauged based solely on local population. A largely student population is
going to be vastly different from retirement-aged households. A city with
190,000 population in a primarily agricultural area of the country will not
share the same demographic attributes (thus, rental demand requirements)
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as a city of the same size located within commute distance of a major met-
ropolitan region. Consider the following population examples:
3
City Population (2004)
Des Moines, IA 193,333
Lincoln, NE 192,722
Greensboro, NC 191,591
Montgomery, AL 190,831
Madison, WI 190,816
Grand Rapids, MI 189,673
Yonkers, NY 188,185
Residents of Yonkers, New York, may easily commute to Manhattan,
the largest city in the United States. However, those living in Lincoln, Ne-
braska, or Madison, Wisconsin, would experience far different employ-
ment prospects, not to mention property values, surrounding population
trends, and other important considerations. All of these cities share ap-
proximately the same population indicator, but that is where the similari-
ties end. We would further expect that the rental market supply and
demand for these cities would not be comparable; this points out the neces-
sity for reviewing a town or city individually, rather then employing for-
mula-based conclusions. Ratio analysis works in accounting, where
universally agreed upon standards apply. But in the rental market, there
are no universal standards for market rates, trends, or relative health
within the market.
Capital Supply and Demand
The third form of supply and demand is that for money, either debt or eq-
uity. Debt financing—from a variety of potential conventional or private
lenders—is available at any time assuming that the developer is able and
willing to pay the going interest rate. And of course, rates—like all supply
and demand items—are cyclical. The span of these cycles may vary consid-
erably. For example, over an 11-year period from 1994 through 2004, the
prime rate changed only one percent (from 6.00 percent on January 1,
1994, to 5.00 percent on December 1, 2004). However, in the interim,
rates were as high as 9.50 percent and as low as 4.00 percent, a consider-
able range. While real estate rates are normally tied not to prime, but to
Treasury debt rates, we use this as an example. The prime rate tracks other
rates and reflects changes from federal funds rates to Treasury securities,
then to prime rate and above.
The Keys to Market Analysis: Supply and Demand 41
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Table 2.1 summarizes the prime rate during this period as of the first
of each month. Note the December 1 rate, for example. By the end of
1994, and through to the end of 2000, the prime rate was supported for
the most part at about 8.00 percent and rose to 9.50 percent by 2000.
However, in 2001, a shift began in the second quarter, with rates falling
rapidly by the end of the year and remaining at about 5.00 percent for the
two years following.
The 11-year cycle using prime rates as of December 1 for each of these
years is summarized in Figure 2.1.
The concept that “money is always available” is only partially true. As
long as you are willing to pay a going rate for mortgages, which of course,
vary with changes in the long-term debt market such as U.S. Treasury
bonds, it is certainly possible to find financing for a project. A more reveal-
ing question, though, is whether the debt service on financing is affordable.
If a project’s cash flow is not adequate to cover the debt service, then in ef-
fect, the debt financing is not available. If interest rates for mortgage fi-
nancing rise, but market competitive forces do not, then cash flow is
squeezed, perhaps to the point that the project is no longer feasible.
Within this same market—for capitalization—there may be equally
important but far more subtle supply and demand forces at work for eq-
uity financing. Finding venture capital investors or limited partners de-
pends partially on other available real estate investments and partially on
tax benefits or restrictions. Until 1986 investors were able to invest in lim-
ited partnerships and reduce taxes considerably. With top federal rates at
50 percent, tax incentives were attractive and many tax shelters were de-
signed to exploit the rules.
42 USING ANALYSIS EFFECTIVELY
TABLE 2.1 Prime Rate History
Date 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004
Jan 1 6.00% 8.50% 8.50% 8.25% 8.50% 7.75% 8.50% 8.50% 4.75% 4.25% 4.00%
Feb 1 6.00 9.00 8.25 8.25 8.50 7.75 8.50 8.50 4.75 4.25 4.00
Mar 1 6.00 9.00 8.25 8.25 8.50 7.75 8.75 8.50 4.75 4.25 4.00
Apr 1 6.25% 9.00% 8.25% 8.50% 8.50% 7.75% 9.00% 8.00% 4.75% 4.25% 4.00%
May 1 6.75 9.00 8.25 8.50 8.50 7.75 9.00 7.50 4.75 4.25 4.00
Jun 1 7.25 9.00 8.25 8.50 8.50 7.75 9.50 7.00 4.75 4.25 4.00
Jul 1 7.25% 9.00% 8.25% 8.50% 8.50% 8.00% 9.50% 6.75% 4.75% 4.00% 4.25%
Aug 1 7.25 8.75 8.25 8.50 8.50 8.00 9.50 6.75 4.75 4.00 4.25
Sep 1 7.75 8.75 8.25 8.50 8.50 8.25 9.50 6.50 4.75 4.00 4.50
Oct 1 7.75% 8.75% 8.25% 8.50% 8.25% 8.25% 9.50% 6.00% 4.75% 4.00% 4.75%
Nov 1 7.75 8.75 8.25 8.50 8.00 8.25 9.50 5.50 4.75 4.00 4.75
Dec 1 8.50 8.75 8.25 8.50 7.75 8.50 9.50 5.00 4.25 4.00 5.00
ccc_kahr_ch02_29-46.qxd 8/3/05 11:50 AM Page 42
For example, a five-to-one limited partnership allowed an investor to
claim deductions at five times the amount invested. So an individual pay-
ing taxes in the 50 percent bracket could invest $10,000 in a limited part-
nership and, by way of accelerated depreciation, claim a first-year tax
loss of $50,000, or a loss equal to five times the amount invested. This
tax loss reduced the individual’s tax liability by $25,000 (in the 50 per-
cent bracket). So for an investment of $10,000, liabilities were reduced
by $25,000.
These shelter programs were closed down with the Tax Reform Act
of 1986 (known as TRA). Now, investor deductions are limited to at-risk
capital (investment plus recourse loans). Furthermore, in a passive invest-
ment such as a real estate limited partnership, while real estate profes-
sionals live with different rules, for most investors losses cannot be
deducted but have to be carried forward and applied against future pas-
sive profits.
The current tax incentives for real estate investment are far less attrac-
tive than they were in the pretax reform days. However, equity investors
may still be interested in placing money into real estate developments when
the economic assumptions make sense. In the tax shelter days, the primary
concern was for immediate tax benefits; now the numbers have to work in
order to attract equity partners.
The Keys to Market Analysis: Supply and Demand 43
FIGURE 2.1 Eleven-Year Summary, December 1 Prime Rate
I
N
T
E
R
E
S
T
R
A
T
E
1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004
December 1
10
9
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
0
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The competition for equity financing—other developments or pools
such as real estate investment trusts (REITs) and mortgage pools, and simi-
lar programs—will appeal to investors as long as potential returns are
higher or risks are lower. So in the supply and demand for equity capital-
ization, it is invariably a competitive environment.
THE NATURE OF ECONOMIC CONDITIONS
In any review of the real estate market—and remembering the three dis-
tinct forms of supply and demand—we need to remind ourselves that eco-
nomic conditions are continually changing. This is easily overlooked. In
the stock market, where shares are traded moment to moment, the liquid-
ity is apparent. In real estate, where liquidity is completely lacking in most
product forms (exceptions being certain publicly listed conduit investments
like REITs), it is easy to forget that the condition of the market is in a state
of change.
The tendency to consider current status of supply or demand as more
or less permanent may be a fatal flaw in market analysis. If you listen to
your local real estate broker, you will likely be told that this is the best time
to buy; if you are a seller, the same broker is likely to opine that this is the
best time to sell. When we work within a system where our experts are
compensated by commissions, we are unlikely to ever be told that the mar-
ket is weak. In fact, if we already know it is weak, the broker is likely to
counterargue that the trend is beginning to turn around!
So when we see today’s economic conditions as strong or as weak, we
also need to be aware of some related facts, including:
The market is in a continual cycle of change. Today’s situation will
not last forever; in fact, it may be different next month. Consider the
changes in prime rate as demonstrated in Table 2.1. Rates remained
at 8.25 percent for the 14 months from February 1, 1996, through
March 1, 1997; and at 8.50 percent for 18 months from April 1,
1997, through September 1, 1998. But from the beginning of 2001
to 12 months later, the rate fell 56 percent from 8.50 percent to 4.75
percent. So there is no predictable pattern in supply and demand.
The example has ramifications for the trend in Treasury bonds rate,
thus the market for financing; but the same uncertainty applies
equally to the market and rental versions of supply and demand
as well.
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Today’s condition is never unmoving. The tendency among investors
and market analysts is to look at today’s economic snapshot and to
assume that this condition is permanent. Whether we explicitly be-
lieve this or not, the tendency is to draw conclusions on that basis.
This is a tendency worth resisting, because the assumption that an
economic condition is permanent may lead to errors in analytical
assumptions.
We must keep the three supply and demand variations in mind. Any
market analysis should be undertaken with independent considera-
tion given to the three forms of supply and demand: for market
prices, for rental units, and for financing. If we ignore any of the
components of this overall economic analysis, the conclusions will
not be reliable. An analysis that finds all three conditions in agree-
ment as to the feasibility of a project is encouraging. The three may
act as confirmation points in an economic forecast. However, any
opinion as to feasibility may be tempered when the three indicators
are not in conformity with one another. The market analysis will be
more reliable when the three different markets are critically ana-
lyzed together.
No one knows for certain the current cyclical direction or timing of
the market. In spite of what you may hear from experts, make a dis-
tinction between statements of fact and statements of opinion. Be-
cause opinion often is asserted as being factual, it is not always easy
to distinguish between the two. But any forward-looking, predictive
statement is only opinion. It may be based on experience, comprehen-
sive analysis, and a deep understanding of the many facets of real es-
tate economics; but even so, it is only an opinion. Just as you may rely
on opinion only as a means for justifying your own estimates (versus
attempting to prove that your estimates are correct), it is also impor-
tant that anyone preparing a market study or a feasibility study makes
clear distinctions between reporting between historical fact and pro-
jections. The factual record, including past financial history and
trends, is most useful to support a premise included in a projection;
but it should be made clear where the discussion moves from fact to
opinion, if only because anyone reviewing the report may not make
that shift automatically.
No investment decisions should ever be made under pressure. If the
source of information is a seller or a seller’s broker, it is important to
be aware of the bias. It is never advisable to make decisions (or to rec-
ommend a course of action) until all of the data is gathered, sorted,
and studied; and until the analysis itself has been done.
The Nature of Economic Conditions 45
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In listening to advice or opinion, we should always consider the source.
Most sources of information have a bias. Anyone asking you to buy
property or to use services in the development or design of property,
has a self-interest in mind. This is human nature, and everyone is a
party to the interaction that is involved on the path from concept to
feasibility. However, let us not forget that, just as authors try to provide
value in order to sell books, the same is true of real estate brokers, de-
signers and architects, engineers, city planners, neighborhood groups,
and an infinite line of experts we meet along the way.
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CHAPTER
3
Valuation of Real Estate
What is a property worth, and why? This chapter presents the
principles of valuation that determine market value; basics of
appraisal science; and important economic and political trends
affecting valuation. Finally, we demonstrate how valuation needs
to be viewed on two levels: First, the basic principles of valuation
need to be mastered and second, we need to evaluate how an
investor actually enters the market with valuation questions in
mind.
M
arket analysis is a process of sensible observation. By being aware of
the factors that affect market value, it becomes possible to accurately
identify how those principles apply to a specific property; a group of prop-
erties; or to properties sharing similar attributes (location, size, age, zoning,
square feet, or neighborhood, for example).
Valuation is distinguished via attributes of properties and markets; fur-
ther clarifications of value are based upon the priorities of the investor or
owner, including cash flow and potential rental income tax benefits or limi-
tations, and perceptions about future growth in market value. No one of
these valuation criteria are exclusive; they are part of a larger overall analy-
sis of a property’s value. As with all market, value itself consists partly of
what a property is worth today and partly what we believe it will be worth
in the future. One definition acknowledges the broad range of meanings,
but summarizes the meaning of value nicely:
The term “value” is often used inaccurately by non-qualified prac-
titioners. It is an abstract word with many meanings . . . In an eco-
nomic sense, market value has a specific definition—the present
worth of future benefits realized from ownership.
1
47
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PRINCIPLES OF REAL ESTATE VALUATION
We begin with a summary of the major principles that govern valuation.
There are 10 primary concepts in this group:
1. Progression. This principle relates to one way in which market values
rise. Expressed as a statement, progression tells us, “A property’s
value may increase due to the existence of similar properties in simi-
lar locations, containing greater quality.” The idea that a rising tide
lifts all ships applies here. In fact, progression is also expressed by the
maxim that you profit in real estate by buying the worst house on a
good block.
2. Regression. The opposite rule may work as well. A falling tide can
lower all ships or, as the regression principle reveals, “A property’s
value may decrease due to the existence of similar properties in simi-
lar locations, containing lower quality.” So an exceptional house may
not appreciate as one would expect if and when other houses—even
on the sale block—are outdated, obsolete, or poorly maintained. This
concept is closely related to the third principle in real estate valua-
tion, that of conformity.
3. Conformity. This concept is, “A property is most likely to appreciate
in value along with other, similar properties in the same neighbor-
hood.” So if an investor spends a lot of money to upgrade a house,
for example, conformity may limit the appreciation regardless of
how the work is performed. This relates to construction materials,
age of properties, number of rooms, and overall square footage and
style. If the neighborhood consists of 2,000 square feet, three-bed-
room, two-bath homes 10 years old, improving property above that
standard may not be profitable. Converting a home by adding 500
square feet and changing the internal layout to four bedrooms and
three baths could be money poorly spent, based on the principle of
conformity.
4. Substitution. In real estate, comparison rules the way that valua-
tion trends become established. Thus, progression, regression, and
conformity are primary concepts. A variation on this theme is that
of substitution. This principle is, “A property’s greatest potential
market value is limited by the market value of other, similar prop-
erties.” Thus, it would not be realistic to judge market value in a
vacuum. Without considering the market value of similar proper-
ties located in similar areas, we cannot accurately analyze market
value of any property. This theory is easily observed. When two
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similar properties are for sale, the lower-priced one will tend to sell
first and, as a result, the market value of the remaining property
may be lowered.
5. Change. This principle tells us, “No condition remains the same in-
definitely; change is part of the economic cycle.” Property values are
affected by change in several ways. These include local economic
and demographic trends, physical age and condition of the property
and surrounding properties, character of a neighborhood or city,
and natural events like disasters (hurricanes and earthquakes, for
example).
6. Anticipation. Real estate investors—like those in all markets—are
continually estimating the future value of properties. The principle of
anticipation may be stated as: “Market value often is affected by ex-
pectations about future events.” For example, if an investor believes
that a particular area is likely to experience growth in coming years,
that would mean property values would rise. The very expectation
actually increases demand, and valuation rises as a result. The cause
and effect can be more immediate than the time it takes for the cause
to occur. If a proposed rezone is in the works, properties in the af-
fected area could experience rise or fall in property value in anticipa-
tion of the change.
7. Contribution. This principle acknowledges a limitation on growth in
market value, notably in the case of improvements. The additional
market value one may expect from improving property is not equal to
cost, but to the contribution those changes make to actual market
value. Thus, in a low-demand market, an improvement may add only
$2,000 to market value even though actual cost was $5,000. In the
case of cosmetic repairs to properties in hot markets, the opposite ef-
fect may be seen as well. Contribution tells us, “Improvements add to
market value as a factor of current supply and demand, and not nec-
essarily on the basis of actual cost.” The principle of contribution can
also be defined as being controlled both by increasing returns and by
diminishing returns. In other words, making improvements to prop-
erty will cause growth in market value to an extent (increasing re-
turns), but when improvements exceed that level, return on
investment begins to fall (diminishing returns).
8. Plottage. This principle observes that consistency in ownership of
land and zoning or usage, tends to maximize value. The principle
states that, “Land values tend to increase when adjacent lots are
combined into single ownership and put to a single zoning or use.”
This phenomenon is observed when a series of relatively small lots
Principles of Real Estate Valuation 49
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remain under-developed and are eventually purchased by one per-
son or company and subsequently developed. Each individual
would be unable to organize such a development when many own-
ers are involved.
9. Highest and best use. Closely related to plottage is the principle
that “Real estate valuation is maximized when land is utilized in
the best possible way.” Thus, rich farm land should be used to
grow crops and land located within sight of an interstate freeway is
best used for highway commercial zoning. The same observations
apply to all forms of zoning and usage. Real estate valuation is un-
usual in that sometimes 10 one-acre plots are worth more than one
10-acre plot. An analyst needs to compare land size to proposed
land use, and be prepared to adjust valuation based on a site’s vari-
ance from the idea.
This means looking at far more than just zoning and its obvious
attributes. Zoning is only one aspect, one expert has observed:
How many times have we seen statements in reports that con-
clude that the highest and best use of a property is as zoned?
Highest and best use, by definition, includes the legal, physi-
cal, and economic benefits of ownership, plus social commit-
ments to a community at large.”
2
10. Competition. The last primary principle of valuation is directly re-
lated to the broader concept of supply and demand. The principle of
competition states, “Opportunities for profitable investment lead to
competition.” This has ramifications for valuation of all properties. A
good idea is going to be imitated or duplicated. Thus, as long as de-
mand remains unchanged, the emergence of competing properties
will tend to dilute market value for all similar properties.
The 10 principles of valuation are summarized in Table 3.1.
MEASUREMENTS OF VALUATION
The principles of valuation are the guiding factors in market analysis; they
define how and why value rises or falls. They are fundamental. However,
an investment in real estate may be valued based on one of several different
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measurements in addition to price. Four specific measurements of valua-
tion are worth discussion. These are:
1. Profitability. The increase in market value is, of course, the most ap-
parent method of measuring real estate value. In its basic form, real es-
tate value—the price at which buyers and sellers reach a meeting of the
minds—is at the core of this discussion. It is the primary means for dis-
tinguishing one property from another; from identifying the relative
real estate value growing from different zoning and land use; and for
spotting and quantifying trends in the market. Virtually everything
centers around price and, more specifically, the change in price over
time, or the price trend.
Just as stock market investors follow market price of stocks, real es-
tate investors also make a number of judgments concerning their market
positions based on the all-important price trend. But is that enough?
Perhaps emphasis on price alone is flawed because it ignores the equally
important question of risk. In the stock market, a highly volatile stock
may grow in value quite rapidly but present an exceptionally high risk as
Measurements of Valuation 51
TABLE 3.1 The Ten Principles of Valuation
Progression. A property’s value may increase due to the existence of similar
properties in similar locations, containing greater quality.
Regression. A property’s value may decrease due to the existence of similar
properties in similar locations, containing lower quality.
Conformity. A property is most likely to appreciate in value along with other,
similar properties in the same neighborhood.
Substitution. A property’s greatest potential market value is limited by the market
value of other, similar properties.
Change. No condition remains the same indefinitely; change is part of the
economic cycle.
Anticipation. Market value often is affected by expectations about future events.
Contribution. Improvements add to market value as a factor of current supply and
demand, and not necessarily on the basis of actual cost.
Plottage. Land values tend to increase when adjacent lots are combined into single
ownership and put to a single zoning or use.
Highest and best use. Real estate valuation is maximized when land is utilized in
the best possible way.
Competition. Opportunities for profitable investment lead to competition.
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well. Investors saw this phenomenon—often too late—by investing in
the dot.com fad a few years ago. Those who put a lot of investment cap-
ital in Enron, WorldCom, Tyco, and many other corporations whose
bookkeeping practices were questionable, discovered the reality of risk
too late, and many lost large sums of money. Does the same caveat apply
to real estate?
The market prices of real estate cannot be observed day-to-day or
hour-to-hour as they can in the stock market. They can be observed di-
rectly only through sales prices and indirectly through asked prices.
Even so, the various risk factors unique to an area or a site should be
viewed along with price trends. If those trends are surprising in any
way, a skeptical interpretation of that may include a question of risk. If
land is exceptionally cheap today, might there not be a reason?
Example: A study of local classified ads reveals that as a general
rule, empty building lots average $75,000; however, a few ads offer
building lots for about $20,000. Why? Upon investigation, it is re-
vealed that the typical building lots have essential service hookups
nearby, but the lower-priced lots could not be developed unless the
owner were to pay to run those utilities. The cost of doing so would
add $50,000 to $60,000 to the advertised price of the lots. The lower-
priced land is not a bargain at all; to purchase land at the advertised
price would include the risk that utilities might never be run close to
the area.
Price is a good starting point in any market analysis. But valuation
contains many additional elements of risk and reward; the current
price of any real estate reflects a mix of factors, both advantageous and
disadvantageous. It is unlikely that an exceptional bargain can be
found without some offsetting factors.
2. Cash flow. To many investors, cash flow is more important than prof-
its, at least in the immediate future. A simple analysis may reveal that
even when growth trends are positive, cash flow may negate the ad-
vantage itself. Consider the following summary:
Price of real estate $350,000
Down payment $ 70,000
Monthly payment, 6.5%, interest only payments $ 1,896
Rental income $ 3,700
Less: Operating expenses $ 2,800
Net operating income $ 900
Cash flow after debt service and before taxes $ –996
Annual growth in property value (est.) 3%
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A basic analysis of this situation reveals that the overall invest-
ment will not be profitable. If we accept the annual growth assumption
of 3 percent per year, the $350,000 investment will appreciate by
$10,500 in the first year. However, cash flow for the same full year will
be $–11,952 ($996 × 12). An argument may be made that an invest-
ment such as this is made for tax purposes. It is true that directly man-
aged real estate provides unique tax advantages. But the after-tax cash
flow does not work out.
Referring back to the same numbers, even if we assume that the
entire monthly payment consists of interest and is deductible (ignoring
the fact that principal would not be deductible), do the numbers on an
after-tax basis continue to work? Let us also assume that depreciation
(a noncash deductible expense) is $10,909 per month. This is based on
a calculation involving residential property, which is depreciated over
27.5 years; and further, we assume that the land in this illustration is
worth $50,000, so the remaining $300,000 is subject to depreciation
(land cannot be depreciated). That would provide an annual deprecia-
tion allowance of $10,909 ($300,000 ÷ 27.5), or $909 per month.
Now the monthly numbers look like this:
Rental income $ 3,700
Less: Operating expenses –2,800
Net operating income $ 900
Interest –1,896
Depreciation –909
Taxable income $–1,905
If we assume that the effective total federal and state tax rate in this
situation is 40 percent (assuming 33 percent federal plus 7 percent state),
the monthly loss of $1,905 would create a reduction in income taxes of
$762 ($1,905 × 40 percent). (Incidentally, these calculations may be fur-
ther adjusted if and when the tax-based net loss exceeds the maximum
allowed per year.) Now how does the after-tax cash flow look?
Net operating income $ 900
Less: debt service –1,896
Tax reduction + 762
Cash flow after operating expenses and taxes $–234
We can conclude that this investment will produce after-tax nega-
tive cash flow of $234 per month, or $2,808 per year. Returning to the
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original assumption that this property grows in value by 3 percent per
year, or $10,500, our cash flow-based market analysis works out—but
this analysis is highly optimistic. It assumes that, in fact, the 3 percent
annual growth rate will continue to occur; that might not be accurate.
It also assumes that the rents will be collected every month without
any provision for vacancies. If growth estimates are correct, the com-
pounded effect of 3 percent per year will be far greater than the basic
$10,500 we have used. However, the point to be made here is that the
investor needs to be able to afford the monthly outflow for the invest-
ment to work.
The study of cash flow as a method of valuation has two specific
components. First is the question of whether an investor can afford the
negative cash flow. Even if the numbers are promising, one would need
to be able to continue spending more each month than was generated
from rents. If, in fact, those funds are not going to be available, then
the proposed investment simply lacks feasibility. The second compo-
nent involves investment assumptions. If we accept the premise that
the investor can afford the negative cash flow, is the net after-tax cash
flow higher or lower than the assumed growth rate of the property? If
that growth rate falls short of the after-tax negative cash flow, we
again would conclude that the proposed investment lacks basic feasi-
bility. We cannot reasonably expect to profit from investing funds, so
why proceed? In general, the concept of buying a property that loses
money year after year, but planning to make money in the long run
through price appreciation, is unwise.
3. Relative value of rental income. A third measurement of valuation is
related closely to the cash flow issue, but it involves an additional in-
vestment component. Rental income varies based not only on trends in
demand for rental units, but also on the basis of location and property
condition. The owner of an apartment building may be unwilling to
perform routine maintenance, so conditions of the property are poor.
As a result, turnover is high and vacancies become a chronic problem.
This occurs even when demand is high, because the substandard condi-
tions make the site unappealing. Those who can afford to pay market
rates will prefer to do so, rather than live in a substandard apartment.
A buyer of such a property will recognize that the depreciated con-
dition also affects value. Income properties are normally appraised us-
ing the income method (discussed later in this chapter). Essentially,
value is derived from the income of the property. Clearly, an apartment
complex with higher than normal vacancies, drawing less than market-
rate rents, will appraise below market as well. The current owner may
not understand that maintaining such a property is, in fact, a wise in-
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vestment, or that the nominal savings accomplished by not spending
money to maintain the property creates far lower market value. So the
would-be buyer will recognize that the purchase price of such a prop-
erty would be a smart investment. By upgrading the property, the new
owner will be able to increase rents to market-rate levels, and also to
reduce vacancies. After that transition is complete, a new appraisal
would be likely to reflect a profitable change in market value.
4. Tax incentives. Real estate investors have historically acknowledged
significant valuation based on tax incentives. In the days prior to the
tax reforms enacted in 1986 (which effectively removed multiple
write-offs and instituted at-risk rules; restricted passive loss deduc-
tions; and reformed depreciation), real estate was a favorite haven for
tax avoidance, enabling those in top tax brackets to eliminate liabili-
ties. Since these reforms, those investing in passive forms of real estate
programs (limited partnerships, for example) can not claim loss deduc-
tions except to the extent that they offset passive gains. However, indi-
viduals who directly manage their rental income investments are
provided benefits not available to other investors.
Those investors who are “actively involved” in management can
deduct up to $25,000 in annual losses on real estate. Meeting this test
is not difficult; an owner must be tied to selection of tenants, decisions
to buy or sell properties, and maintenance. Even if a landlord hires a
management company, meeting this test is a matter of staying in touch
and putting in a minimum number of hours per month. To qualify, one
also must own at least 10 percent of the property.
An exception applies for what the IRS calls a “real estate person.”
This is anyone who generates more than half of his or her business ser-
vices in real estate; who performs more than 750 hours per year in real
estate business; who materially participates in real estate business
other than rental income; and who also materially participates in rental
income activity.
3
For the real estate person, real estate income is treated as nonpas-
sive, meaning that the level of annual loss deductions is not limited to
the $25,000 maximum otherwise allowed.
Even for those who are not real estate persons, the ability to write off
up to $25,000 per year is significant. For many, the tax benefit spells the
difference between positive and negative cash flow, when calculated on
an after-tax basis. The deduction is restricted for those with adjusted
gross income (AGI) above $100,000; once that level is reached, the al-
lowable deduction is reduced by 50 cents for every dollar of adjusted
gross income. For example, if an individual’s AGI is $110,000, the allow-
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able maximum is reduced to $20,000 ($25,000 – 50 percent of $10,000).
Furthermore, the calculation of AGI for the purpose of this reduction is
modified from the AGI reported on an individual tax return. However,
for those with income below $100,000, the ability to reduce income by
up to $25,000 is an important feature in valuation; the benefit—repre-
senting reduced overall tax liabilities—should be viewed as a tangible
benefit of owning rental income.
Making this even more attractive, it is possible to have a positive cash
flow from real estate investments and, at the same time, report a net loss
for tax purposes. This is possible because real estate investors can deduct
depreciation. This expense is a noncash expense, calculated based on the
value of the improvements (which is roughly the purchase price minus
value of land) and is allowed over a period of years (the recovery period).
Depreciation is a complex topic beyond the scope of this book; however, it
is an important feature in the calculation of cash flow and profits from real
estate, as well as a feature in determining valuation.
A key point is that while depreciation is often confused with the eco-
nomic life of an asset, it is not the same thing. Most real estate retains its
market value long after its depreciable basis has fallen to zero.
Investment Features Affecting Valuation
In determining a broad-based conclusion of valuation for real estate, we
must further consider the features of the investment. In any form of invest-
ment, it is not reliable to classify a particular selection as good or bad with-
out further analyzing these important features. They are liquidity, leverage,
risk, and marketability.
Liquidity A comparison between two or more investments is accurate and
reliable only when the attributes are comparative as well. Thus, comparing
a highly liquid purchase of publicly exchanged stock, to an illiquid long-
term real estate purchase, is not truly comparable. Thus, any calculation of
return on investment, risk, or other important features would be similarly
unreliable. We cannot judge real estate comparatively without being aware
of liquidity issues. Direct ownership of real estate is illiquid under three
distinct definitions.
Lack of Secondary Market Some forms of real estate are illiquid because
ownership cannot be easily transferred on an open, public exchange. The
stock market is a highly liquid market, but units of limited partnerships,
for example, can often be sold at a discount. The secondary market is
lacking, because used partnership units are not appealing to new investors,
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as a general rule. As the maxim goes, “Limited partnership units are not
bought, they are SOLD.”
Potential for Low Demand in Public Markets A second form of illiq-
uidity is found even when investors own real estate directly. If the mar-
ket is soft in terms of demand, the property is illiquid with one of two
consequences. First, it may take far longer to sell than the owner consid-
ers desirable. Second, it may be necessary to reduce the asked price in
order to compete with other sellers. Owners also have to pay capital
gains tax and tax on accumulated depreciation when they sell. This is a
huge disincentive to selling. It can be compensated for, however, through
the use of a 1031 exchange, also called a like-kind exchange. In that de-
vice, taxes on a current gains are deferred until a future sale of a replace-
ment property.
Cost of Buying and Selling For directly owned real estate, it is expensive
to buy and sell. Closing costs can easily absorb or even surpass a marginal
profit, so in order to justify tying up capital, investors need to hold prop-
erty long enough for its market value to season. The only alternative in
dealing with this form of illiquidity is to refinance to remove appreciated
equity, or to acquire a second mortgage or line of credit.
Leverage Most directly owned real estate is purchased with a down pay-
ment, often 30 percent or more for investment properties. The balance is fi-
nanced. In this situation, an investor leverages the cash investment,
controlling 100 percent with only 30 percent down. While many consider
this a distinct advantage, notably when market values rise quickly, it is also
a higher risk. The investor depends on consistent cash flow as a require-
ment for keeping up with debt service. A one-month vacancy may be seri-
ous, and a two- or three-month vacancy fatal if the investor has no cushion
to make it through extended vacancy periods.
Risk The concept of risk is easily underestimated, especially by real es-
tate investors. There is a tendency to dismiss risk on the argument that “it
is easy to make money on real estate.” However, a number of risks should
be kept in mind. These include the all-important cash flow risk as well as
less obvious risks: a slow market in which market value does not rise or
even falls; catastrophic loss due to disasters not covered by insurance poli-
cies (including volcanic eruption, or earthquake, for example); the disas-
trous experience of having a tenant who does not pay rent and who
refuses to vacate, and perhaps even one who destroys the property; and of
course, the risk of a softening rental unit market. All of these risks should
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be understood as factors in real estate investing; for many, these risks re-
duce valuation to the point that it is not worthwhile.
Another form of risk involves spreading capital among markets with
dissimilar features. Popularly called diversification or the avoidance of
losing all invested capital in a single investment choice, the risk here is
more accurately distinguished as asset allocation, or placing capital in en-
tirely different markets. Diversification is best understood as placing
funds in several different stocks or investing in mutual funds to spread
risk; asset allocation is more closely associated with disparate market se-
lection, such as stocks, savings, and real estate. Because real estate re-
quires a large sum of investment capital, even in the form of a leveraged
down payment, it is easy to forget or ignore the importance of asset allo-
cation. Applying the concept of asset allocation is often difficult for in-
vestors of moderate means; it is difficult to diversify limited capital
within the real estate asset class. The risk remains, however; if most of an
individual’s capital is placed in real estate, the asset allocation risk is very
real. If real estate stagnates while stock market values become quite
strong, the missed opportunities from poor allocation and planning affect
overall profits.
Marketability The last of the four investment features is marketability.
This is not the same as liquidity, although some of the same features apply.
By marketability, we mean the existence of a ready buyer when a current
owner wants to sell. Some real estate is going to lack marketability, for any
number of reasons. For example, an individual who buys property fi-
nanced by the seller may not realize that the property cannot be financed
through conventional channels. In some areas, houses with post and beam
foundations do not qualify for bank financing; only those with permanent
foundations meet the criteria. So a seller-financed home may be marketable
only through private financing. It is often true that what seems an attrac-
tive deal—seller will carry the loan—is in reality a situation in which the
buyer takes on the seller’s problems. In terms of financing, such a property
is not marketable.
Marketability is also affected by obsolescence, the expense of outdated
utilities, poor insulation, bad plumbing and electrical systems, or—in a
general sense—the need for repairs that exceed the equity in the property.
This last form of problem, one in which the property is essentially “to-
taled,” is especially troubling to the inexperienced real estate purchaser, the
individual who views the fixer-upper or landlording market as a method of
building wealth in real estate. The concept of marketability refers to a
range of issues that are not always apparent, which make an investment a
poor choice.
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Appraisal Methods
The final word on valuation is the appraisal. This is an analysis and report
prepared by a professional appraiser. An appraisal may be performed for a
lender as part of a loan application and review; by an attorney or escrow
company during the closing of a sale; or as part of a procedure to establish
current market value (closing of an estate, probate, or during a divorce, for
example).
While it may be generally assumed that a property has a single, true
value, reality demonstrates that this is not so. Based on the reason for the
appraisal and the motivation of the individual or company paying for it, a
range of reasonable estimates of current market value is possible. For ex-
ample, a lender who favors granting a loan based on strong credit of the
borrower needs primarily to ensure that the stated equity and value of
property are within reason. An attorney representing one side in a divorce
proceeding may be more interested in gaining verification that property
value is lower than the adversary for the other side believes. While, in an
ideal world, all appraisals would be entirely unbiased, these realities cer-
tainly affect how appraisals are performed. But no matter what that moti-
vation, the appraiser is supposed to verify that the stated value is within
reason. State licensing boards also exist to ensure that if an appraiser
grossly abuses their position, they may have their license revoked.
Appraisers who work locally may be best qualified to render a solid
opinion because they are familiar with area trends and values. They know
where to locate comparable neighborhoods and properties; and they are
connected with local real estate and lending professionals.
Appraisers use one of three methods, and the applicable method de-
pends on the purpose of the appraisal as well as type of property. The three
methods are cost, market or sales comparison, and income. Many ap-
praisals of residential property compare the first two methods and then ar-
rive at a reasonable estimate of current value based on that comparison.
Commercial appraisers tend to rely on the third method.
Measurements of Valuation 59
Valuable Resources
To find a local appraiser, check qualifications, or to learn more about the
science of appraisal, check the following web sites:
http://www.appraisalinstitute.org/
http://www.appraisalfoundation.org/
http://www.american-appraisal.com/
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Cost Method The cost method, or cost approach to appraisal calculates
what it would cost to duplicate the existing improvements in today’s dol-
lars. A distinction has to be made between cost and replacement, espe-
cially for older structures with exceptional architectural or handwork
features. A replacement of such attributes would be more expensive than
merely replacing a structure of the same square footage and other inter-
nal features.
The cost method includes a calculation of construction costs, minus an
estimate of depreciation and special site features, such as view, topography,
or lot shape. The concept of depreciation for appraisal purposes is quite
different from depreciation as defined for tax purposes. Tax-based depreci-
ation involves writing off the value of improvements over a recovery pe-
riod. Appraisal-based depreciation is an estimate of the difference between
new construction (cost or replacement) and the current condition of prop-
erty. So a run-down property will be given a higher allowance for deprecia-
tion than one that is newer and in better condition. A formula for arriving
at value using the cost approach is:
Cost of construction – allowance for depreciation
+ added value based on site attributes = estimated value
The basic calculation using the cost value involves first figuring out the
square feet and area of the building or buildings; and then multiplying the
total feet by applicable cost figures (these vary by region). A useful sum-
mary of how to calculate cost factors is found at http://architecture.about
.com/cs/buildyourhouse/a/costs.htm. However, the first step will be to com-
pare local land and improvement values, based on data from a reputable
and authoritative source.
Calculating a depreciation allowance to adjust for age and condition
of the home is a process devised to define the economic life of a property,
or a comparison between improvements and their contribution to overall
value. An age/life method for calculating depreciation involves dividing
100 by the economic life to arrive at annual depreciation. For example, if
the appraiser believes that the economic life of a property is 40 years, the
depreciation calculation would begin with:
100 ÷ 40 = 2.5% depreciation per year
Next, the appraiser calculates the effective age of a property, which is
the age of the property based on current condition of improvements (and
not necessarily the true age). For example, if we assume that the appraiser
believes a property’s effective age is 15 years, the annual depreciation rate
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of 2.5 percent (in the preceding example) would be multiplied by five
years:
2.5% × 5 years = 12.5%
The appraiser’s estimate of cost to replace improvements would next
be reduced by the depreciation factor. For example, if the current cost
value of property is estimated at $300,000, the calculation would be:
Cost value of property $300,000
Less depreciation, 12.5% – 37,500
Net cost value $262,500
Finally, the appraiser adds value for advantageous site features. By
comparing the subject site to other sites in the area, the appraiser adds a
factor to compensate for differences. For example, if the site is larger than
other lots, the appraiser may add a percentage to the net cost value. In re-
viewing comparable lots, the appraiser may determine that it is reasonable
to add 5 percent to the value of the property for site value:
Net cost value $262,500
Plus: site value, 5% + 13,125
Adjusted value $275,625
Applying these criteria to a subject property and three or more compa-
rable properties, the appraiser is likely to make specific adjustments to ar-
rive at fair market value; or to take an average among comparable
properties to arrive at a base for calculations under the cost approach.
A cautionary note concerning the use of the cost method: When ap-
praisal is performed for developers on larger-scale projects, selection of
costs has to also take into account the practical marketing aspects, and not
simply the cost of land and materials. It has been observed that
these costs are a function of the overall design of the project and
the needs and desires of likely buyers of the finished lots. In fore-
casting site development costs, care should be taken to ensure that
the forecast properly reflects not only the actual expenses, but also
the timing of the expenditures. Often an appraiser is supplied with
a cost estimate by the developer. The cost estimate should be cross-
checked against the actual development costs of similar subdivi-
sions and perhaps against cost service estimates.
4
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The cost method is also often used for valuation of industrial proper-
ties that may have specialized equipment and do not have an easily ob-
served rental market. As such, the cost method is more applicable than the
income approach.
Market or Sales Comparison Method The second method is an exercise in
comparison between the subject property and other, similar properties that
were sold recently. These comparable sales are most valid if they occurred
in the recent past. Thus, properties sold in the past three months would be
more relevant than those that sold nine months ago. Recent sales reveal
current market value and make a convincing argument in support of this
appraisal method.
Adjustments are made to the comparable property sales totals to arrive
at a true basis for comparison. For example, an appraiser may deduct a
percentage of value from a comparable property because it was built a few
years before the subject property. Or some value may be added to a com-
parable property with more square footage or a somewhat larger lot. So
condition, lot size, square footage of improvements, and condition will all
play a role in adjusting comparable sales so that, in the appraiser’s opinion,
the related sales are truly as comparable as possible.
The appraiser makes a judgment about how to equate comparable
sales (after adjustments) to the subject property. However, more weight
may be given to a property requiring the least amount of adjustment; or to
a property whose neighborhood is most similar to the subject neighbor-
hood. Is the decision about how to make an adjustment to be based on
subjective or objective criteria? This appraisal approach is described by
one expert as a paradox. He explains that some textbooks
refer to the adjustment and final estimate of value process as more
of an art form than one of mathematics. The appraiser is sup-
posed to draw on his or her experience to aid in the adjustment
process and rigid mathematical calculations should not dictate the
amount of the adjustment. In actual fact, the opposite should oc-
cur. The valuation of any given piece of real estate should not be
left to a process that relies on an artist’s acuity, particularly when
the outcome of value is deemed to have some type of mathemati-
cal significance.
5
Income Method The third and most complex method for appraising prop-
erty is based on rental income derived from properties. This method is used
for both residential single-family or multi-unit buildings and for commer-
cial properties.
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For single-family properties appraised under the income method, a
gross rent multiplier (GRM) often is used. This is a factor developed from
a study of comparable sales prices of property and the monthly or annual
income those properties generated.
For example, consider the case of five properties sold during the past
six months. To compute the GRM on a monthly rent basis, the formula is:
sales price ÷ gross monthly income = GRM
Some typical numbers based on this formula for single-family residences:
Monthly
Sales Price Income GRM
$125,000 ÷ $ 950 = 131.58
132,500 ÷ 1,050 = 126.19
134,000 ÷ 1,000 = 134.00
141,500 ÷ 1,100 = 128.64
145,000 ÷ 1,125 = 128.89
Average = 129.86
The same calculation can be made using annual rents:
Annual
Sales Price Income GRM
$125,000 ÷ $11,400 = 10.96
132,500 ÷ 12,600 = 10.52
134,000 ÷ 12,000 = 11.17
141,500 ÷ 13,200 = 10.72
145,000 ÷ 13,500 = 10.74
Average = 10.82
An appraiser would conclude from this analysis of GRM for compara-
ble properties, that a reliable estimate can be applied to be the subject
property. More weight may be given to properties most comparable, so
even these averages could be altered to make the appraiser’s conclusions
more accurate. For example if the appraiser uses the annual GRM method,
it may be that the second and fourth properties are most comparable to the
subject property. As a result, the appraiser may apply a factor of 10.62 (an
average between GRM of 10.52 and 10.72) rather than the higher overall
average.
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Next, the appraiser would analyze annual rent derived from the sub-
ject property. If we assume, for example, that a single-family home has
been rented out in recent years and currently generates gross rent of
$12,000 per year, the annual GRM is used to estimate appraised value:
10.62 × $12,000 = $127,440
Under this method, the appraiser would conclude that the property is
worth $127,440. Factors affecting the selection of a GRM and making ad-
justments to comparable properties may include neighborhood condition,
age and condition of the property, lot size and other amenities, and any
other attributes the appraiser believes are significant (view, proximity to
transportation or shopping, noise levels, topography, etc.).
For multi-unit properties, an appraiser uses a factor known as capital-
ization rate, or cap rate. The calculation of cap rate involves calculation of
annual income and a comparison between the subject property and cap
rates on comparable properties in the same area or similar areas. For ex-
ample, in appraising an apartment complex with net operating income
(rents less vacancy factor, taxes, insurance, management fees, repairs and
utilities) of $52,800 per year, the current value of the complex can be cal-
culated by comparison with other apartment complexes with a similar
number of units, same or similar neighborhood, and similar condition and
age. For example, checking five other properties, the appraiser may dis-
cover the following:
Net Operating Sales Cap
Income Price Rate
$58,000 ÷ $565,300 = 10.3
52,500 ÷ 522,800 = 10.0
57,000 ÷ 566,000 = 10.1
61,500 ÷ 605,400 = 10.2
55,000 ÷ 545,000 = 10.1
Average = 10.1
The cap rates in these comparable sales are very close, so an ap-
praiser may conclude that the 10.1 is a reasonable local rate. Thus, ap-
plying this rate against net operating income, market value may be
appraised as:
$52,800 ÷ 10.1 = $522,772 (rounded to $522,800)
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This method, also called direct capitalization of the subject property, is
convincing when it conforms to market rates in comparable sales, when
rents are at market rates, and when the properties are stabilized. Alterna-
tive calculations may be based on assumed available return on investment
from other uses of capital, and the calculations are far more complex. For
complex properties, such as office buildings or rehab properties with long-
term lease tenants, the appraiser may find that rents are significantly above
or below market rates. In these situations, appraisers will use a discounted
cash flow over the entire life span of the investment by valuing earlier cash
flow as worth more than future cash flow. The goal in this approach is to
reduce the future value to present value or, put as a question, “What
should you pay today for the future stream of cash flows?” Most apprais-
ers will use specialized financial software tools such as ARGUS (www.ar-
gussoftware.com) to help with these calculations. This approach is
complex and beyond the scope of this book.
The alternative cap rate calculations are troubling because comparisons
between dissimilar investments are not always valid. Given different risk
factors, return on investment is not as exact as market sales comparisons.
In appraising rental income property, appraisers may adjust their find-
ings based on other factors, especially cash flow. The strength or weakness
in projections of likely future cash flow is, perhaps, of more immediate
concern to investors than profitability over the long term. As a question of
feasibility, investors need to base valuation on the relative strength of cash
flow adjustments. Three useful tests are used in appraisals for this purpose:
debt coverage ratio, expense ratio, and loan-to-value ratio.
The appraiser may begin by questioning whether current net operating
income will be strong enough to cover debt service on a mortgage loan. To
determine this, the debt coverage ratio is used. To calculate, net operating
income is divided by the amount of debt service to calculate the ratio. For
example, when net operating income is $52,800 and annual debt service is
$37,896, the debt coverage ratio is:
$52,800 ÷ $37,896 = 1.39 to 1
This ratio provides a view of the net cash flow after expenses and debt
service have been paid. How this compares to similar properties may reveal
the relative strength of that cash flow and could affect the appraiser’s con-
clusions concerning value.
A closely related calculation is a study of the expense ratio for an in-
come property. In this calculation, operating expenses are divided by effec-
tive gross income (maximum rental income minus vacancy rate). For
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example, if effective gross income is $52,800 and annual operating ex-
penses average $21,500, the expense ratio is:
$21,500 ÷ $52,800 = .41
This operating ratio is next compared to the operating ratio for similar
properties to draw conclusions about whether cash flow conditions are
strong or weak, in comparison.
A third calculation involving cash flow is the loan-to-value ratio. In
this calculation, the mortgage amount is divided by the value of property.
An investor purchasing a property for an assumed value of $522,800 may
seek a loan of $400,000. In this example, the loan-to-value ratio will be:
$400,000 ÷ $522,800 = 76.5%
These three ratios are most effectively used in comparative form, be-
tween alternative potential properties and between a subject property and
comparable sales. Valuation is normally involved with identifying a rea-
sonable sales/purchase price for buyers, sellers, lenders and investors; the
three forms of cash flow analysis further identify valuation of properties
based on comparative return, which may be of more immediate interest to
buyers as well as to lenders. The question of affordability relates more to
cash flow than to economic rent.
That being said, potential income value is also calculated based on a
study of economic rent. This is an analysis of rent on the basis of rent per
unit, per room, or per square feet (or all three). For example, if gross an-
nual rent is being compared for five comparable properties, an economic
rent analysis may reveal the following:
Property Property Property Property Property
#1 #2 #3 #4 #5
Annual rent $11,400 $12,600 $12,600 $12,000 $13,500
Units 10 12 15 13 15
Rooms 32 37 48 41 45
Square feet 4,450 4,900 6,200 4,400 5,950
Annual rent per:
unit $1,140 $1,050 $840 $923 $900
room $356 $341 $263 $293 $300
sq. feet $2.56 $2.57 $2.03 $2.73 $2.27
These factors, like other appraisal steps, enable comparisons between
comparable properties and the subject property, and may allow both ap-
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praiser and investors to draw conclusions about the efficiency, cash flow,
return on investment, and other important questions. As a means for com-
paring the feasibility between two or more properties, the comparative
analysis that is derived from appraisals is an integral part of market analy-
sis and the overall study of property valuation.
Legislative Policy and Valuation
We have concentrated on market forces for the majority of our discussion
on land valuation. However, we also need to be cognizant of how artificial
forces may also affect land values. These forces—specifically consisting of
local zoning, growth management and other legislative controls, and the
government’s right to exercise eminent domain—may significantly affect
land values as well as the ability of the market to respond to forces of eco-
nomic supply and demand.
The first U.S. zoning ordinance was passed in 1916 in New York
City. It defined height and setback limitations on buildings and restricted
incompatible land uses. The original purpose was to prevent industrial
uses from moving gradually into Manhattan’s office and shopping dis-
tricts. Today, the three most common major land use divisions are resi-
dential, commercial, and industrial, with many potential subcategories
as well.
6
Local zoning is designed to control, limit, and regulate land use. One
premise underlying zoning itself is to protect public health, safety, and wel-
fare. The basis for this starting point is found in the Fifth Amendment to
the U.S. Constitution, which reads in part, “. . . nor shall private property
be taken for public use, without just compensation.” An important land-
mark case heard before the Supreme Court clarified this principle with a
ruling that zoning designed to protect the public health, safety, and welfare
is Constitutional, but that when zoning is set for other purposes, it may be
challenged.
7
However, the issue of how and why municipalities enact specific zones
may be challenged in some circumstances, notably when it can be shown
that the purpose of zoning is to prevent certain types of development from
occurring. This so-called exclusionary zoning is used improperly to keep
out newcomers and to prevent growth, rather than to serve a legitimate
purpose.
The city or county may employ zoning to provide exceptional design,
encouraging developers to use innovative features such as cluster develop-
ment, mixed use, and landscaping to add visual effects while also providing
amenities (public areas, trails, sight and wind buffers, privacy, and com-
mon areas for residents, for example). A Planned Unit Development (PUD)
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is one device used by cities and counties to provide developers with excep-
tions to general zoning laws in exchange for innovative design.
The idea that a government can take land from citizens through zoning
laws does not necessarily mean actually acquiring ownership of the prop-
erty. A taking of land can be accomplished by reducing a property owner’s
rights to use of that land. So valuation of property can be determined by a
change in zoning, for example.
Two U.S. Supreme Court cases set the rule that local governments can
impose restrictions on land use only if there is what the Court called an
“essential nexus” between conditions and regulatory objectives. The Court
also ruled in these cases that there must be a balance between considera-
tion of the public burden resulting from development, and a requirement
placed upon a developer to fund the cost of infrastructure projects.
8
So takings may be defined as limitations on development activity,
changes in zoning that prevent an owner from using land as intended or
desired, or the requirement by a city or county that in order to gain ap-
proval, a developer must pay for additional benefits or donate land. Of
course, such requirements can be imposed, but they have to be measurable
against the impact to the public of new development, and there must be
what the Court called a “rough proportionality” between such conditions
and the public burden caused by development.
The ability of a government to take property grows out of another
concept, called eminent domain. This is a legal power granted to the gov-
ernment and found in the Fifth Amendment. It provides that the govern-
ment (federal, state, or local) has the power to take private property for
public use; upon exercise of that right, the landowner must be given ade-
quate compensation (the proper or just value of property taken under emi-
nent domain, usually market value). The exercise of eminent domain is
most often called a condemnation or expropriation—nicer terms meaning
the same thing as a taking of land.
Takings are allowed under law for the “public good.” This means that
when a freeway has to go through, or hospitals, jails, utility plants, and
other essential public facilities, the government can override the private
property rights of the current owner and buy the land, even when the
owner does not want to sell.
68 VALUATION OF REAL ESTATE
Valuable Resource
To study current trends in takings legislation and zoning policy, check
http://www.law.georgetown.edu/gelpi/takings/courts/.
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Recent trends have demonstrated that in some cases, governments
have used eminent domain to control development or to force through
land uses that cannot be truly classified as belonging in the realm of the
“public good.” Condemning land so a new sports arena can be built might
be advantageous to the community, but does it fit the definition of “public
good” and does such a facility constitute an “essential public facility”? The
controversy is ongoing. In other cases, governments have misused eminent
domain as a way to prevent development from occurring, as a sort of insti-
tutionalized antigrowth movement, sanctioned by the local government.
One possible risk associated with development, as exercise of eminent do-
main, would limit potential improvement in land values.
The trend in the courts shows that while some attempts have been
made to abuse the power of eminent domain, those decisions are likely to
be overturned. In two recent cases, state courts ruled that taking private
property in order to resell it to other private owners was not legal.
9
Real estate valuation may certainly be adversely affected by takings on
the part of government. However, these occurrences are not common. In
comparison, those states that have enacted so-called “growth manage-
ment” laws have experienced a mix of outcomes, not all positive. Several
states and some municipalities have enacted growth management legisla-
tion. Among the most controversial have been Virginia, California, Ore-
gon, Florida, and Washington states. About one-fourth of Washington and
Florida state increases in housing prices from 1995 to 2000 were due to re-
strictive terms in state growth management laws. Ironically, one stated pur-
pose in growth legislation is to promote affordable housing. The record
demonstrates that trying to artificially control market valuation through
legislative tinkering is ineffective and, in fact, expensive.
10
In such states, recent history has shown that the stated intention of
Growth Management Act (GMA) types of laws has not worked and in the
long-term, such plans will not be effective. In many states, notably the
State of Washington, the GMA has been very controversial. Many of the
decisions made by the Washington GMA boards have been overturned by
the state’s courts, fueling the debate. Growth management is intended to
provide a means for public participation without needing attorneys; but in
Measurements of Valuation 69
Valuable Resource
To view recent court cases involving eminent domain, check the web site
http://home.hiwaay.net/~becraft/recentcases.htm.
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some GMA states, there has been an increased level of land-use litigation
relating to GMA rules.
Methods of Entering the Market
The ramifications of growth management and other artificial imposi-
tions on market-based real estate valuation are serious for all real estate
investors, lenders, and homeowners. However, the concern goes beyond
the three most common forms of entry to the market: home ownership,
single-family housing rental investments, and the fixer-upper (property
flip) market.
These are the most common starting points for most people. However,
questions of valuation are also on the minds of those who enter the market
through other means. These include:
Individual Secondary Mortgage Lending Individuals can assume debt posi-
tions (lending money) as well as equity (owning property). These posi-
tions can involve significant risk as well. Granting individual second
mortgages to property owners creates an income stream and higher than
average interest rates. However, if and when such second mortgages are
defaulted, the lender is entitled to get their principal returned only after
the first mortgage has been paid. In cases where owners overborrow, sec-
ond mortgage investors could be left with losses. The way to reduce risk
is through careful screening and selection of borrowers with plenty of
equity in their homes. Some companies specialize in placing money in
second mortgages, notably through self-directed retirement plans or fi-
nancial planning programs.
Mortgage Pools A relatively safe method of investing in debt is through
what is called the secondary market for debt. Most conventional lenders
sell their loans to one of the big government-sponsored programs, which
include the Federal National Mortgage Association, or FNMA
(http://www.fanniemae.com/index.jhtml) and the Government National
Mortgage Association, or GNMA (http://www.ginniemae.gov). These or-
ganizations create mortgage pools of real estate loans and sell shares to in-
vestors. They are just like mutual funds, but portfolios consist of real estate
loans instead of stocks and bonds. Investors can also enter into these posi-
tions indirectly by purchasing shares in mutual funds that in turn buy
shares in mortgage pools.
REITs The Real Estate Investment Trust, or REIT, is a practical venue for
acquiring equity in real estate. The big advantage of buying REIT shares is
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that they are traded on public exchanges, just like stocks. This liquidity
makes the REIT a desirable and practical way to diversify an equity portfo-
lio. The most popular type of REIT is called the equity REIT, in which in-
vestors buy shares of ownership in properties. Two other types are the
mortgage REIT, in which invested funds are loaned out to builders and de-
velopers, current real estate project owners, or mortgage backed securities;
and the hybrid REIT, which combines both equity and mortgage features.
About 96 percent of all REITs are classified as equity. About 1.6 per-
cent are mortgage REITS, and just over 2 percent are hybrid. The REIT
market is also interesting in terms of the types of property these programs
select. The most popular choice (33.1%) is industrial and office; next are
residential (21.0%); and retails (20.1%). These three classifications add up
to about three-fourths of all REIT-based investments. The remaining equity
goes to no real estate representing more than 10 percent of the total.
11
Limited Partnerships Investors can also buy units in limited partnership
programs. In the past, such programs were popularly called “tax shelters”
because they were set up to provide big write-offs for investors, often ex-
ceeding the amount invested. Changes in tax laws essentially closed down
the tax shelter industry. As part of the change, limited partnerships were
classified as passive investments. This means that losses can only be de-
ducted to the extent that they offset other passive gains. No longer can in-
vestors in limited partnerships claim large write-offs; and investors can
never deduct more than the amount at risk (this is defined as the total of
cash paid into the program plus recourse loans, or loans that must be re-
paid). One major problem with limited partnerships is their illiquidity.
ETFs A final category is also the newest. The Exchange Traded Fund, or
ETF, is a type of mutual fund that is highly liquid. Shares are bought and
sold on public exchanges rather directly through fund management com-
panies. Traditional mutual funds were set up to emphasize a particular
investment policy, such as “aggressive growth,” “current income,” or
“conservative growth.” In comparison, the ETF is set up to select a spe-
cific portfolio, such as stocks in an index or market average; stocks of a
Measurements of Valuation 71
Valuable Resources
A useful overview of REIT basics can be found at ReitnetOnline (http://
www.reitnet.com/reits101) as well as at the National Association of Real
Estate Investment Trusts (http://www.nareit.org).
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particular country or those that specialize in a precious metal; or funds
with stocks in a specific industry or sector. An ETF may invest in real estate
sector stocks, REITs, or both. Because the ETF portfolio is identified in ad-
vance, management fees are far lower than those for the old-style mutual
fund. Finally, ETF owners often have the ability to break out segments of
the fund, or to buy and sell options based on the ETF and its bundle of
stocks. The ETF market is growing rapidly.
72 VALUATION OF REAL ESTATE
Valuable Resource
The market for ETFs changes often as more investors discover the benefits
and advantages of these funds. As of the writing of this book, four ETFs
specializing in real estate were identified. While we do not endorse any of
these funds, they are useful as a starting point to learn more about the ETF
market:
Name Trading Symbol
iShares Dow Jones US Real Estate IYR
iShares Cohen & Steers Realty Majors ICF
Vanguard REIT Index VIPERs VNQ
street TRACKS Wilshire REIT fund RWR
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CHAPTER
4
Single-Family Home
and Condo Analysis
Most people are familiar with residential real estate; however, this
is itself a complex investment form. There are many different
types of residential properties and analysis should be broken out
and separated based on (1) location, (2) size, (3) local trends, and
(4) other, special considerations (i.e., subsidies, rent controls, or
tax credit incentives). We introduce these important issues in this
chapter and also study the antidevelopment movement known as
NIMBY (Not In My Back Yard), demonstrating how analysis in
real estate is not merely economic; it may be political as well.
N
o particular property is necessarily easy to analyze. Some relatively in-
experienced individual investors believe they understand the market val-
uation attributes of single-family homes because—like a majority of real
estate investors—they own and live in a home themselves. This is a mistake.
The investment attributes of residential property are not the same as
the features of owner-occupied homes, in four ways:
1. The underlying premise for ownership is not the same. An individual
purchases a home partially as an investment, but also out of necessity.
If that person does not own a home and make payments on a mort-
gage, the same money (in some instances, more money) has to be paid
for rent, without the tax savings and long-term appreciation derived
from home ownership. The premise for investing in rental property is
entirely separate from the premise for buying a home. For anyone not
yet a homeowner, the idea of ownership is the definition of the Ameri-
can Dream.
73
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2. Cash flow analysis is not the same thing as homeowner mortgage af-
fordability. It is not accurate to compare investment cash flow to the
entirely separate question of a primary residence’s affordability. Cash
flow analysis is a study of risk as well as of affordability; many market
and economic factors come into play when you are analyzing the feasi-
bility of a particular property and given a specific market. The type of
home an individual can afford is determined by income, down pay-
ment, and current interest rates. While an investor can simply decide
to not proceed because the feasibility study is not encouraging, a
would-be homeowner has more limited choices when the numbers do
not work: Continue to pay rent or look for a home that does not cost
as much. The homeowner seeks affordability, and the investor views
cash flow issues as aspects of feasibility; these are not the same issue.
3. Lenders have a far different risk profile for each type of real estate. In-
dividual real estate investors discover quickly that lenders are far more
risk-conscious in the case of financing investment real estate than they
are in the case of owner-occupied properties. When an individual fi-
nances a home, good credit may lead to low-rate, low-down (or no
down) financing, and fast approval. But investors traditionally are re-
quired to commit 30 percent or more to a down payment, and also
may have to pay higher interest rates than homeowners.
4. Tax benefits are vastly different. Homeowners enjoy specific tax bene-
fits, but these are also quite limited. They are allowed to deduct mort-
gage interest and property taxes on their primary residences, but
nothing else that recurs from year to year. When a primary residence is
sold, gains up to $500,000 are tax-free. This may be a good or a bad
tax rule. If a married couple wants to move from their current home to
a smaller one and their gain is less than $500,000 (and they qualify in
every other way), the tax-free profit is a substantial benefit. However,
in some regions of the country, properties purchased 20 years ago for
less than $50,000 may be worth $1.2 million today. A sale may pro-
duce a profit of $1 million or more in these markets, and the maxi-
mum tax-free profit is $500,000. In the past, gains could be deferred
by buying another home, but under the tax-free rule, any excess more
than the maximum of $500,000 for a married couple is taxed.
Investors are allowed to deduct as investment expenses their interest
and taxes, as well as other operating expenses: insurance, utilities, adver-
tising, management fees, and auto or truck expenses, for example. Most
significantly, however, they can also deduct depreciation, which is a sub-
stantial benefit. Investors who actively participate in managing their own
properties can deduct up to $25,000 per year in tax losses. Upon sale of
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investment properties, investors pay capital gains tax on the net differ-
ence between sales price and original purchase. They also have to pay
taxes on the total of depreciation claimed over the period the property
was owned.
If we move even further beyond the mere understanding associated
with investment value, we begin to understand that for residential proper-
ties, analysis requires a comprehensive survey of market factors beyond
value itself. One real estate book involving the necessity of the differences
between financial and lifestyle (among other) issues affecting decisions peo-
ple make, explains that:
much of the analysis for residential development must rely on a
qualitative understanding of the market and its dynamics. Both
the product and the consumer must be understood in terms of
choices people make, evolving lifestyles, personal tastes, and many
other considerations that cannot be quantified. Focus groups,
buyer surveys, and other qualitative techniques augment the hard
data of the market study. Understanding the lifestyles and other
qualitative characteristics of consumers can help to appropriately
define a residential product.
1
Therefore, it is wise to consider the nature of the end-user (home-
owner) in an analysis of residential property and to accept the reality that
those who buy homes may have a different series of assumptions, desires,
and motivations from those who purchase warehouses and office build-
ings. Everyone is interested in value and cost. But homeowners are differ-
ent enough and in significant ways that, in fact, when you attempt to
identify valuation factors of residential properties—even using primarily fi-
nancial and economic data—it is wise to also remember that the residen-
tial, homeowning consumer is unique and different from the commercial
customer, the developer, or even the residential property investor.
HOME OR CONDO?
We make a distinction in this chapter between a single-family home and a
condominium, and for good reason: The analytical and market attributes
of each may be vastly different.
A single-family home is a stand-alone building and includes full own-
ership of the land and improvements. There are no shared common areas
or expenses with other owners, except in those areas where covenants
mandate—as part of the purchase agreement—that each property owner
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carries a responsibility for common ownership and liabilities of specific ar-
eas (such as park areas, trails, club house, sports facilities, exercise rooms,
and meeting room areas, for example).
A multi-family directly owned unit is studied in the next chapter. How-
ever, its classification may properly belong here with single-family housing,
as opposed to rentals as seen in apartments. Thus, duplex, triplex, and
fourplex units are multiple units within a single building. They usually
have separate entrances or access to units through a shared common area
such as a lobby or hallway. Owners in multiple-unit buildings operate un-
der the terms of an agreement for common-area maintenance, insurance,
and ownership.
A condominium may come into existence in one of two ways. A devel-
opment may be designed to create owner-occupied condo units, or an ex-
isting apartment building may “go condo,” be converted to condominium
ownership, in which case the purchaser buys an apartment. At the same
time, the purchaser, together with the other unit owners, buys an “undi-
vided interest” in the common elements of the building or development.
Common elements generally include the land on which the building stands,
the lobby, public halls, driveways, access roads and parking areas; and the
electrical, mechanical, heating, and air-conditioning systems that service
the building.
In a similar arrangement, the cooperative, or “co-op,” a corporation
is formed to take ownership of an entire project or building, and individ-
ual owners buy shares. In the condo, rather than owning shares in a co-
operative, buyers own their individual units outright and receive deeds
for them. Each of the unit owners is responsible for paying a proportion-
ate share of the building’s fuel costs, building employee salaries, and
other expenses of operation. These are known as common charges. Addi-
tionally, each condominium owner pays real estate taxes, separately as-
sessed against each unit, and the cost of any mortgage obtained to
finance the original purchase. The condominium owner may deduct these
tax payments and the payments of interest (but not principal) on the
mortgage, from taxable income.
The condominium is governed by a board of managers elected by the
unit owners. The board’s authority to operate the building is explained in
detail in the condominium declaration and bylaws, a copy of which is in-
cluded in the offering plan. These provide rules and procedures for con-
ducting the affairs of the condominium, and define the rights and
obligations of unit owners. For example, the bylaws may restrict the right
of unit owners to make certain kinds of alterations to their units or to lease
or mortgage them.
In studying specific valuation factors, these distinctions should be kept
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in mind. The attributes of each ownership format may affect value. For ex-
ample, the cost of a mortgage on a single-family home is not directly com-
parable to a mortgage on a condominium. Because condominium owners
are obligated for additional fees, their relative cost-versus-benefit analysis
should be made on the basis of total payment obligations.
Example: You are comparing the ownership of a three-bedroom,
single-family home to a variety of condo units. The typical condo unit
sells for $200,000 and on average additional monthly fees are $400.
What is the equivalent cost to purchase a single-family home? Using an
assumed mortgage rate of 6 percent and a 30-year term, the cost to the
condo owner will be:
Mortgage payment, $150,000 mortgage $ 899
Common area and other fees $ 400
Total monthly obligation $1,299
In looking at a book of mortgage amortization, a $1,299 monthly payment
would apply on a $200,000 mortgage. So in theory (and assuming the
same down payment) the monthly obligation for a $200,000 condominium
would be the equivalent to the outright purchase of a $250,000 home.
This analysis is not entirely reliable. Some of the services provided
within the monthly condo payments include expenses the homeowner
would have to bear or pay separately—or pay for features the homeowner
might not have. But even so, the brief example makes the point that in
comparing costs, the analyst should consider not only the mortgage pay-
ment, but the condo (or co-op) contractual obligations as well.
VALUATION FACTORS UNIQUE TO
RESIDENTIAL PROPERTY
In judging the market value of single-family homes, we need first to study
the basic market characteristics and next to consider the supply and de-
mand features for the property as well as site-specific attributes. The valua-
tion factors should be broken down into three specific classifications.
Market Conditions in the Local Area
The “local area” in the case of single-family homes is, of course, both the
immediate neighborhood and the city or town in which it is located. So we
have to consider two versions of the local market in the analysis of a
house. If the neighborhood is in transition, which way is it heading? As
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older owners move or pass away, younger families replace them and, as a
general rule, tend to fix up outdated properties, adding value to the neigh-
borhood. However, due to outside factors like high unemployment, some
neighborhoods experience deterioration, high vacancies, increased crime,
and other factors that reduce property values. While houses in such areas
may be cheaper than market rates elsewhere in the same region, the nega-
tive transition is not a positive indicator.
Certain larger market areas—specifically towns, cities, or counties—
also experience transitions. Growth is caused by factors such as employ-
ment, tourism, proximity to outside work centers, and other external
influences. For example, if a city within a one-hour commute has a boom-
ing employment market, a relatively remote town could experience a rapid
increase in demand as workers seek suburban “bedroom communities”
nearby. Growth may also be artificially contained, controlled, or deferred
through antigrowth sentiment locally or even through legislation. Growth
management trends have demonstrated that attempts to slow down growth
have resulted only in higher real estate prices (see the previous chapter).
Such trends are anything but economic, and, time has shown, devices such
as growth management, local building moratoria, and impact fees not only
add to the cost of housing, they also do immediate damage to commercial
and retail trends locally and may even cause growth rates to fall below de-
sirable levels, and below levels required to sustain local jobs and trade. In
one instance in North Carolina’s Research Triangle area (Raleigh,
Durham, and Cary) the consequences of impact fees included negative con-
sequences. A 2003 story explains that
leaders in Cary . . . began to rethink their stratospheric impact fees
after the town’s growth rate plummeted below the goal of 4 per-
cent to only 1.7 percent last year. Cary’s impact fees are as much
as four times higher than those in the city of Durham and six times
higher than those in Raleigh.
2
Attempts to artificially control or prevent growth, or even schemes de-
signed to create added revenues through impact or permit fees, invariably
bring unintended consequences: unacceptably low growth rates, soaring
real estate prices, and what can only be described as poor planning policy.
Such artificial growth policies relate more to housing than to other types of
property. A widespread belief that rapid growth in housing stock leads to
higher crime, more traffic congestion, and deterioration in the quality of life
may be based on some evidence, but the point remains that, in spite of ef-
forts to the contrary, growth occurs in response to economic realities. It
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cannot be created where there is no demand, and it cannot be prevented
when demand is high.
In fact, in spite of evidence that attempting to artificially control the
market through imposition of growth management legislation has
largely failed, many states continue to pursue the agenda of trying to de-
termine what types of growth occur, both where and when, based on the
notion that, somehow, such controls are good for the market. These so-
called “planning intervention regimes” have universally had the oppo-
site effect to the stated goals. As explained in one article, it has been
demonstrated that:
local governments are unusually ineffective in achieving such over-
arching public interest goals as preserving natural resources, con-
taining urban sprawl, and mitigating losses from hazardous
events. The reason is basic to decision making: individual, devel-
opers and local governments will act in their own self-interest.
3
The classic observation of how people act and react begs the question. In
an economic sense, the theory of the “tragedy of the commons” prevails
and motivates people, and this reality cannot be avoided.
4
Economic Trends and Supply and Demand
A more ordered factor in the valuation of single-family housing is the col-
lective basket of economic factors. Generally, this refers to supply and de-
mand; however, there is more to the equation. Supply and demand markets
may exist on several tiers (for housing, rental units, and financing), and the
trends in those tiers of markets do not always move in the same direction.
Economic trends, of course, continue to rule, but the landscape itself
has changed over history. The development of the automobile and mass
transit have drastically changed not only how people work, but also where
they live. We remain in the middle of a long-term trend of population
movement away from traditional big cities and into suburbia. This new
population center, dubbed Edge City by author Joel Garreau, is defined as
a major change in U.S. demographic trends:
These new hearths of our civilization—in which the majority of
metropolitan Americans now work and around which they live—
look not at all like our old downtowns. . . . their landmark struc-
ture is the celebrated detached dwelling, the suburban home. . . . I
have come to call these new urban centers Edge Cities.
5
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80 SINGLE-FAMILY HOME AND CONDO ANALYSIS
CASE STUDY: ANTHEM, PHOENIX, AZ
One of the fastest-growing regions in the United States is the central
Arizona Phoenix metro area. Much of the development is aimed at re-
tirement or semiretirement age groups; one exception is the Anthem
project, which began selling in 1999 and is planned for completion in
2007.
Developer Del Webb is well-known in the Southwest for its
“lifestyle communities”—often gated, guarded neighborhoods. The Del
Webb Corporation has built more than 100,000 homes since 1928 and
is best known for its Sun City retirement communities. Anthem is the
company’s first nonage-restricted housing development and is described
on its promotional web site—www.anthemarizona.com—as containing
two sections. Anthem Country Club consists of “gate-guarded, resort-
style living with two . . . 18-hole championship golf courses.” The tar-
get resident market is described as professionals aged 40 to 60,
preretirees and empty nesters. Anthem Parkside offers “real neighbor-
hood living with activities and amenities tailored to fit the way your
family lives, works and plays.” This section markets to people aged 25
to 40 with children.
This self-contained approach to master-planning community de-
sign is typical of the Edge City trend. These are not small, either. By
the time the project is completed, it will contain 12,000 homes—the
size of a small city on its own. In fact, the project includes features
one would expect to find in such a city: shops, restaurants, parks,
open space, schools, commercial, industrial, and office space, and mu-
nicipal services, for example. Because the area involved is both large
and remote (5,760 acres 35 miles north of Phoenix) virtually all trips
require the use of an automobile. And because the development is so
large, it is also diverse, offering something for many different markets
within the development itself. Even the recreational facilities are de-
signed to appeal to all age groups.
A 43,000-square-foot community center is the hub of the com-
munity. It is next to the community park where the first K-8 school is
also sited. The center includes after-school activities, a complete fit-
ness center, tennis courts, dance studio, and a Big Splash Water Park.
The Golf and Country Club, one of the few private clubs in Arizona,
includes two full championship courses as well as swimming pools,
tennis courts, fitness center, and a dining room.
The complex includes a 128,000-square-foot retail center called
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Valuation Factors Unique to Residential Property 81
CASE STUDY: ANTHEM, PHOENIX, AZ (Continued)
Anthem Marketplace. Included within are a Safeway store, drugstore,
dry cleaner, restaurants, and a DVD rental store, among others. Busi-
ness outlets are also located strategically at major intersections within
the complex so that, conceivably, residents would never need to travel
outside the immediate community. All of their schools, shops, and
recreational facilities are available close by. Even a complete medical
facility is planned in the near future.
What makes this large-scale project unique is that it is designed to
respond to many different markets—semiretirement through families
with young children. In many of the gated communities in the area,
the predominant market is retirement-aged. In one of the dozens of
communities in Chandler, Arizona, for example, a common complaint
is lack of adequate healthcare facilities within the immediate area.
The residents refer to the frequently heard EMS vans and ambulances
as the “taxis to the hospital.”
Anthem’s design includes 36 percent of the total land area for
open space and recreational use. This is a major selling point, espe-
cially for the younger age-group residents and their children. The site’s
design—the land was originally a remote rural desert setting—incor-
porated the natural terrain and desert vegetation into the community.
Cacti that had to be removed for streets and houses were replanted,
and an extensive system of trails provide for horse and foot traffic.
The Webb Corporation performed an extensive market analysis
and, in the case of Anthem, this phase was more extensive than usual.
The company spent $5 million on marketing before the project design
was started. Research included a detailed survey of baby boomers and
retirees. The Anthem design was based on the research, which included
not only the survey, but also focus groups and interviews with potential
buyers. Further research was conducted on existing residential commu-
nities in the area. The goal was to avoid mistakes and to develop a
large-scale community that met the needs of the target markets.
The research paid off. More than 7,000 people attended a pre-
view of the first phase and about 300 homes sold in the first week.
With an estimated total cost at build-out of $1.7 billion, the mixed
market approach may set a trend for large Edge City-type planned
communities in the future. Rather than focusing on a single market,
Anthem demonstrates that it is possible to appeal to a variety of dif-
ferent demographic groups.
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The very concept of Edge City implies order and predictability, but
when we consider the inefficiencies of the model, including the requirement
that residents must drive virtually everywhere, we soon realize that as a
planning device, the newly evolved Edge City, while part of a modern
trend, may be as “unintelligible as in any dream.”
6
While Edge City-style planned communities represent an important
trend, notably in areas like Phoenix, a parallel trend continues away
from urban living to outlying suburbs. In some areas, this trend has been
reversed as city centers go through renovation, but the widespread ap-
peal of suburban living—whether in a planned community or an easy
train ride to downtown—is undeniably continuing to occur. Additional
economic forces, all of which affect supply and demand itself, include
the following.
Local Development Trends Some areas experience exceptionally high vol-
ume of growth in new houses, even when demand does not appear to
support such trends. As a general observation, development does tend to
perform in excess of demand and we see housing construction continue
even as the supply and demand cycle peaks; just because the cycle turns,
does not mean a slowdown in immediate construction. Construction
takes time to finish; it is invariably better to finish and sell than to merely
stop work.
The cause of the cyclical turn may also be attributable to financing
incentives (cheap money and cheap land, for example), enabling builders
to continue working and keep employees busy, due more to seasonal
preferences than to actual demand for more homes. Of course, the
whole cycle is driven by demand, but construction trends may rely
equally on tax incentives (for affordable housing), financing, and favor-
able local growth policies.
The Local Job Market As employers move into an area, people follow to
obtain jobs. This tendency has characterized real estate and demo-
graphic trends since the post-Civil War era. Today, an equally important
factor is that of proximity. People do not need to live where they work
and, in fact, may find urban living far less desirable than buying a home
in the suburbs. The emergence of this trend—purchasing homes outside
of the city and commuting to work—is a dominant theme in residential
real estate.
Local Amenities beyond Housing We witness the growth of many areas
based on economic factors beyond local job markets. For example, recre-
ational amenities often create growth directly. When Six Flags Marine
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World
7
opened its 136-acre park in Vallejo, California, years ago, the
town was relatively small. While many factors have contributed to
growth in the San Francisco Bay Area, Marine World’s facility con-
tributed significantly. Since 1970, the city’s population has grown 70 per-
cent and Marine World was the third largest employer in 2004, with
1,660 jobs (behind Kaiser Permanente Hospital and the local school dis-
trict). Housing prices have followed suit; Vallejo made the CNN list of
“hottest zip codes” for five-year growth in housing prices as of 2004; and
the Vallejo/Fairfield metro area was in the top 10 regions on the Housing
Price Index (HPI) that same year, showing a 21.8 percent increase in av-
erage home prices.
8
Local Quality of Life Issues and Perceptions Economic trends are also re-
flective of (and affected by) trends in other realities, such as safety, traffic,
and crime levels. Every year, various cities and towns are rated in terms of
the desirability or quality of life. Factors include jobs, housing prices, crime
statistics, recreational amenities, climate, honesty or friendliness of resi-
dents (subjective to be sure, but an important test of quality of life), and
similar perceptions about a city or region.
Attributes of the Site
Finally, we want to consider site-specific attributes. These are many and
varied and include obvious as well as subtle features. For example, it has
been observed that a house on a busy street will not experience increases
in market value as much as an identical house on a quiet street—even
when they are in the same neighborhood. Factors such as ongoing mainte-
nance, age of the property, proximity to schools, shops and malls, recre-
ation, and other desirable destinations, will also affect a property’s value.
A recreational facility, for example, may initially draw residents and lead
to more housing construction due to new job creation, but ultimately the
traffic congestion and higher prices may have a reverse effect on an area’s
quality of life. So the attributes of the site itself may be extremely negative
or positive. The specific site has greater influence on market value than on
the house’s specific features. Thus, a property located at the end of a ma-
jor airport’s runway, for example, is unlikely to have as much market
value as the same house on a quiet suburban hillside with a spectacular
view of the bay.
Equally important in this comparison is a range of environmental is-
sues. Among the greatest impacts is noise. While problems like flooding
caused by poor grading can be mitigated, noise often cannot. It is more
likely that measures will have to be taken to change the environment or
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accept lowered property values due to noise. The solution to noise prob-
lems can be summarized:
There are only three ways to mitigate noise: (1) quiet the source,
(2) put more distance between the source of the noise and the re-
ceptor, and (3) build or create a barrier to the noise. It is often in-
feasible for homeowners to have control over quieting the source
. . . and it is equally impractical to move the house . . .
9
Noise levels certainly affect property value and have to be considered
in market analysis as well as feasibility phases. Some analysts believe that
noise simply lowers property values and that eventually, current owners
have to accept this and sell for less. However, if noise is severe enough,
this may not be true. An “enticed population”—those willing to live in
heavily impacted areas such as airport flight corridors—does so in ex-
change for property value discounts. However, the damage caused by
noise and similar undesirable features of a property or area may make the
potential buyer market so small that it must be discounted altogether. One
appraiser explained:
While some real estate analysts may initially believe that any po-
tential buyer will purchase a damaged property if discounted
enough, this is simply not true. To illustrate, consider a run down
house in the middle of a heavy industrial area. Certainly a signifi-
cant portion of the typical residential market will simply not pur-
chase the property at any discount, as they simply will not live in
such an area under any conditions and have no interest in buying,
renting, or reselling such properties.
10
TRADE AREA ANALYSIS
The analyst assesses trade area by determining the source of potential ten-
ants, factors that determine the location, and the degree to which the study
is merely blunt judgment. One worthy goal is to identify ways that analyti-
cal judgment can be made more accurate and objective.
Begin by looking at existing projects. The analysts will need to esti-
mate how many people are here today, and how many will be there when
the project opens. Then, calculate how many of those households can af-
ford the subject project. Using census data for what you define as your
trade area is key, whether based on tract number or by zip code.
On the supply side, begin by studying how many housing units are
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available now. Include a count of new competing projects that will be
coming on line. There are more technical ways to establish trade area.
For example, one author (Thrall) tells a case of determining the need for
student housing. The analyst identified the address database for all
45,000 students and mapped it. The trade area was defined to be 80 per-
cent of the students whose resident addresses were local. Next, supply
was mapped by taking all apartments from lease guides for the county
and building permit information.
Absorption predictions were made from looking at the way students
would advance through the school, with the understanding that upper-
class students would be more likely to live off campus.
The conclusion drew together all of the assumptions.
MARKET CHARACTERISTICS OF
RESIDENTIAL PROPERTY
There is a tendency in some local real estate markets to consider market
value in isolation, or based on outdated information. For example, if
property values were rising quickly and houses were selling as soon as
they were placed on the market last year, some market observers think
those conditions are permanent. But since no economic cycles remain un-
changed for long, in residential real estate, it is not realistic to base as-
sumptions on past market conditions or on what is claimed by a real
estate salesperson.
As with all other markets, residential real estate market value depends
on many factors, both direct and indirect. The most apparent and best un-
derstood factors are demographic trends—the numbers of local residents
and the growth in population in recent months and years. The market is
easily observed in hindsight by examining the time properties that remain
on the market; the differences between asked price and final sales price;
and the local inventory of homes for sale. This is the number of properties
on the market, compared to the monthly absorption on the market (aver-
age sales per month). For example, if a town experiences sales of 15 prop-
erties per month and there are currently 75 homes for sale, there is a
five-month inventory.
These indicators are useful for spotting trends. However, today’s sta-
tistics are not as revealing as they are as the latest entry in local trends.
So if you see a spread between asked and sales prices shrinking, ever-
lessening time on the market, and a shrinking inventory, these all are re-
liable indicators of a strong demand market. Because you are reviewing
three specific indicators, when they all point in the same direction, they
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86 SINGLE-FAMILY HOME AND CONDO ANALYSIS
CASE STUDY: SONOMA VILLERO, BOTHELL, WA
One might assume that siting a 240-unit development of condomini-
ums near Microsoft Redmond, Washington headquarters would find
a strong demand market, especially for affordably priced units. The
high employment in the area is attributed to software development,
Boeing, and the Bothell campus of the University of Washington.
However, competition can cause a developer to change the entire
strategy.
When the 160th Street Association developed Sonoma Villero
in 1997, the need for flexible marketing became apparent immedi-
ately. Because a similar development was underway at the same
time close by, the developer decided to rent out units initially, with
the ability to convert to ownership later on. The fact that a 209-
unit condo development was being built literally across the street
led to community opposition to Sonoma Villero. Partly to deal with
competition and partly to respond to the NIMBY sentiment, the de-
veloper literally shifted markets, at least initially. Instead of com-
peting head-to-head for sales of condos, the developer changed
original plans and went after a rental market. Demand for rentals
was strong in the area, and market rate rents averaged $1,325 per
month. Upon conversion to ownership, the condo units were af-
fordable, especially by Seattle metro standards. One-bedroom units
were about $120,000 and three-bedroom units were about
$200,000.
With development costs through the year 2000 at just under $33
million, the developer learned from the experience that local opposi-
tion delayed the approval process, and the local market was affected
by a directly competing project. The decision to shift to the rental
market and gradually transition into sales was wise, given conditions
at the time. However, the change in marketing strategies also made it
difficult to decide which amenities should be included. For example,
interior amenities and finishes (i.e., plumbing for washers and dryers)
were excluded because of lack of demand in the leasing/rental market.
However, including such amenities would have helped in the condo
sales market when units were converted.
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are reliable confirmation of the trend. Therefore, it is far less reliable to
look at only one trend to draw a conclusion about the current health of
the residential market.
The problems of changing markets during the development process
aside, the need to shift due to competition in the immediate area was ap-
parent to the developer in the case of Sonoma Villero. In analyzing the
market for a condo, versus the market for rentals, this is one of many fac-
tors to bear in mind: The need to shift due to competition may change the
entire development strategy. Because the analyst’s point of view has to be
based on a market-response strategy rather than that of a would-be buyer,
the entire process is quite different. If analysis is premised on what an indi-
vidual has experienced in purchasing a residence as owner-occupied hous-
ing, it is unreliable. There are vast differences in market characteristics
between a residence and an investment property. We must consider mort-
gage affordability and adequacy of a home as well as location, type of
neighborhood, and proximity to schools and shopping. But for rental
properties, we also need to calculate after-tax cash flow, potential for
growth in market value, and the supply and demand features of the local
rental market, that is, occupancy rates.
When we expand beyond a single investment, the question of market
characteristics has to be viewed with a broader perspective. When we
look at only one property, cash flow requirements can be easily narrowed
down and we can estimate the likely return on investment based solely on
local rental market conditions. However, when we perform market
analysis for subdivisions—especially those in highly specialized markets
such as low-income housing—we also have to look at a larger supply and
demand market.
In larger subdivision developments, we consider the same factors as
those for solitary home purchases: household demographics, employment,
and transitional trends locally. However, economic factors such as the
number of people living below the poverty level also have to be considered
when low-income housing developments are the subject of study. Because
so many of these developments are constructed with taxpayer subsidies
(via tax credits), there is a tendency to gloss over the realities of market de-
mand, or to make assumptions in market and feasibility studies that are
simply false.
The most serious among these is to believe that the entire perceived lo-
cal demand will be absorbed entirely by the new development. Ignoring the
realities of the competition is a mistake, but one that is made commonly.
This is even more subtle than the obvious comparison: If two developers
are building apartment buildings in the same market, it is not realistic for
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either to assume that the entire local demand will come to their project. A
realistic view may consider market share. However, a more subtle competi-
tive view is required. A local planner, for example, who understands the
market may further realize that local demand is not waiting only for newly
developed housing. A portion—perhaps a majority—of those would-be
tenants currently live in existing units, either other single-family homes be-
ing rented, or in other apartments. The latter tenant may want to move
into a rented home because it is more desirable than remaining in an apart-
ment. This reality indicates the real competitive condition in the market. In
88 SINGLE-FAMILY HOME AND CONDO ANALYSIS
CASE STUDY: EAST LAKE COMMONS, DECATUR, GA
Some developments are designed to appeal to specific, narrowly fo-
cused demographic markets. East Lake Commons is a high-density
development of 67 townhouses near downtown Atlanta. It is a “co-
housing” project.
Co-housing means just that: a sharing of responsibilities among
residents. The market for this project included a diverse mixture of
single people, retirees, families, and gay/lesbian couples. Residents
work cooperatively through committees to manage affairs such as
kitchen scheduling, financing, and neighborhood outreach programs.
Meals are prepared and offered by community volunteers several
times per week in the project’s community building, and residents
participate on a volunteer basis. No one is required to give time.
The developer originally purchased the 17-acre site to develop
HUD Section 8 affordable housing. However, local civic leaders ad-
vised the developer that they preferred market-rate housing targeting
working professionals on the site. The developer, Jack Morse, recog-
nized a marketing opportunity and identified pent-up demand in the
area for a residential development offering community-based ameni-
ties. This led to a revision of the original plan and, ultimately, to the
design of East Lake Commons.
To help get the project moving, the developer presold 17 units to
a group interested in setting up a co-housing community. The sale
helped move the project forward, generating further interest in it. At a
total cost of nearly $9.7 million, the project was completed in Sep-
tember 2000. It is an example of how design combines desirable fea-
tures of urban living in a suburban setting.
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fact, new construction may create an oversupply and lead to higher than
current level vacancies. In that case, the entire market (counting current as
well as new real estate) will experience overall higher vacancies.
Judging the current supply and demand in single-family housing is not
always a simple matter of studying occupancy/vacancy rates in rental prop-
erty. Nor can the entire competitive condition of the market be judged
based on market statistics for owner-occupied housing. The demographic
and income mix of a region determines the subtle shifts in supply and de-
mand. In evaluating the true competitive status of today’s market, an ana-
lyst has to consider:
The obvious supply and demand attributes. The obvious interpretation
of supply and demand in the rental market is expressed in the study of
occupancy and vacancy rates as well as trends. However, confusion
may arise when we mix market analysis between the two major types
of single-family residential property: owner-occupied and rental prop-
erty. The local mix of population will determine whether newly con-
structed homes are likely to be put to use as owner-occupied or as
investment properties. Thus, an analysis should include a study of lo-
cal owner-occupied rates by neighborhood, the mix of population (for
example, is the population aging or is it dominated by college stu-
dents?), and income levels. All of these affect—and in fact, create—the
type of demand locally.
The level of demand that currently has other housing. Most important
in a local study of supply and demand is the realistic analysis of the
market. Whether you are dealing with subsidized housing or market-
rate developments, the level of supply has to be understood properly.
For example, if a developer plans to construct 100 market-rate homes,
where will the buyers come from? If there is little available on today’s
housing market but the population is growing, then the demand is gen-
erated as additional demand above and beyond the current popula-
tion. However, if buyers come from the existing homeowner
population, this has ramifications for the competitive marketability of
the homes. As current owners sell their homes to move into the newly
built homes, the inventory on the local market remains unchanged
(one home is exchanged for another). There is no real new demand, so
prices are likely to flatten out or even fall. Performing a feasibility
analysis of the new development raises the question of whether the es-
timated pricing of properties is correct. If the basic assumption is that
there is a demand for housing (based on local sales trends), the indica-
tor is false if, in practice, people will simply replace one home with an-
other. In addition, the population is often distinguished by levels of
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income in this type of analysis. It is one thing to say the population is
growing, but in which economic levels?
The correlation between current population trends and existing real
estate. Is the local population growing above or below the rate of new
housing construction? This basic indicator is often overlooked in favor
of more myopic analyses. For example, if you were to consider
statewide trends rather than local trends, the result is an average of a
series of dissimilar markets rather than an indication of what is going
on in town. Market demand is strong only when the local population
of homebuyers is growing. This does not include college students or
transient population groups such as migrant workers; it also does not
include existing homeowners. If analysis includes any of these groups,
then the real nature of competition on the market will be inflated be-
yond the real demand levels.
The influence of nearby markets in terms of rental demand, employ-
ment, and price. Even though real estate trends are always local, it is
essential that an analysis considers the scope of the local market realis-
tically. For example, one small town may be largely rural in character
and be more than 200 miles from the closest city. Another city of the
same size in terms of population may be within 30 minutes commute
time of a large city. These differences vastly change the supply and de-
mand factors. The difference will be seen in the price of real estate,
population trends, and basic supply and demand for new housing. So
it is not realistic to base a market analysis on universal assumptions us-
ing ratios between population and market demand. These are mean-
ingless. You need to study the actual nature and mix of supply and
demand based on where people work, and on how the home-buying
population is growing in response to local economic change.
The specific property design potential buyers seek. Over time, desir-
ability of interior design has to change as well. In the post-World War
II era, families were happy with very small houses: small bedrooms
and kitchens and, if any areas were expansive, it would likely have
been the living room. This may have been based on how the young
married person of 1945 grew up, with family activities focused around
listening to the radio together. Today, the television generation has dis-
covered that family size is smaller than in the past, orientation around
family life has declined, and people do not necessarily gather together.
As a result, couples prefer adult amenities. As fewer Americans are ori-
ented toward cooking, for example, demand for larger kitchens is not
as strong today. Most affluent Americans would rather have a wine
cellar than a fourth bedroom, especially if they have only one child—
or no children.
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CASH FLOW ANALYSIS OF RESIDENTIAL PROPERTIES
The development of a cash flow analysis is the essential part of a feasibility
study. If the numbers do not work out, then the longer-term profitability
estimates of a project are of no value. The question, however, has to be re-
viewed in terms of the specific type of project, influenced by many market
and competitive factors, and studied in terms of all three supply and de-
mand markets (for purchase of property, rentals, and financing).
We need to consider the cash flow question on several potential tiers of
the residential market. These include:
Single-family homes, as solitary investment possibilities for individuals.
A development of many single-family homes at market rate or below
market rate.
A speculative investment in one or more homes, as fixer-upper properties.
Investment in vacation homes or second homes.
Cash flow analysis in these different types of single-family home markets is
going to be vastly different, so we need to approach the issue carefully.
There is no single, universal rule for how cash flow analysis is to be per-
formed. We analyze each of these markets separately.
Single Family Homes
The most popular entry into real estate investing is the purchase of single-
family houses to be used for rentals. The concept is simple: Rents are sup-
posed to cover the mortgage payment, insurance, taxes, utilities, repairs,
and other expenses. In practice, the strength of cash flow depends on:
Dollar amount of down payment and, as a direct result, level of mort-
gage payment. The higher the individual down payment, the lower the
monthly payment on the financed portion of the purchase. The interest
rate you pay also affects the mortgage aspect of cash flow. Real estate
investors may be required to put 30 percent or more down payment
Cash Flow Analysis of Residential Properties 91
Valuable Resource
To get an idea of desirability in different housing features, check the matrix
chart at http://www.davisandpartners.com/newsite/ammen.html.
ccc_kahr_ch04_73-98.qxd 8/3/05 11:51 AM Page 91
into a property and may have to pay more to make the lender’s cash
flow analysis work.
Level of market rates compared to mortgage obligation. The very basic
first question individual investors have to ask is whether the known
level of mortgage payment can be covered by market rates. This as-
sumes full occupancy and no surprises such as unplanned-for repairs
or maintenance. If the difference between rent and mortgage payment
is marginal or negative, the cash flow will not work. Even when tax
advantages are considered, the investor has to also plan for other ex-
penses involved as well as with the prospect of vacancies.
Current occupancy rates and trend. The health of the rental market
should dictate the timing of real estate investments. The widespread
belief that it is smart to invest in rental property should be questioned;
if the current market demonstrates soft demand, that means higher
than average vacancies and the possibility that rental income levels will
trend downward from today’s market rates.
Deferred and ongoing maintenance on the property. If investors buy
“bargain” properties—usually meaning those that have not been main-
tained—this also means it will be necessary to perform repairs. It may
be that the demand for such repairs could offset any discount gained
from seeking out bargain-priced properties, perhaps even making the
feasibility negative as well.
Tax advantages involved. An after-tax cash flow is the most reliable
method for analyzing cash flow on individually purchased property.
However, each individual is limited to annual deductions of $25,000
or less in losses from real estate, so as a tax shelter this offers value,
but limited value. An exception: The real estate professional as defined
by the tax rules is not limited to $25,000 in annual losses. But the
point to remember for many first-time investors is that tax benefits
may define the difference between feasible and nonfeasible investing,
so these benefits cannot be ignored. The method used to value land in-
fluences the tax calculation, perhaps significantly. Land cannot be de-
preciated, so the value assigned to land also affects the annual
depreciation deduction. An investor may prefer more depreciation to
maximize tax benefits, or less depreciation because losses are limited
and that extra deduction provides no annual benefit.
Allocation of value between improvements and land for the purpose of
calculating depreciation is done in several ways. These include prorating
on the basis of assessed value, insurance-based value, and appraisal-based
value. All of these calculations have merit, but if an individual purchases
more than one rental property, the same basis should be used in each case.
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Developments of Single-Family Homes
Cash flow calculations for developments are, of course, far more complex
than for single home investments. A developer has to consider design and
engineering costs, approval and the possibility of legal fees involved in a
challenge to the development, and construction costs of a project. These
costs may include constructing new utilities, streets and sidewalks, land-
scaping, street lighting, traffic mitigation costs, environmental impact miti-
gation, and a range of other possible costs, all in addition to basic
construction of new homes. The cash flow analysis for a development is
complex because it involves so many possible levels of cost; furthermore,
the financing of a development varies based on the type of property.
Cash Flow for Market-Rate Housing The feasibility study for development
of market-rate housing is often aimed at satisfying lender’s questions. The
lender must be convinced that the developer will be able to sell homes at
an adequate profit to cover the mortgage obligation at the very least. A
cushion of profits ensures that the development will be feasible, given the
possibility that additional costs will arise beyond the known, estimated
cost levels. When a developer runs out of money before completion, this
presents a special problem for the lender. Refusing to loan more funds
means that less will be recovered; however, giving the developer more
money when the initial estimates were inaccurate could present even
greater risks. So cash flow analysis for market-rate development has to
include a demonstrated market demand, experience on the part of the de-
veloper in successfully completing similar projects, and the timing of com-
pletion that will ensure repayment of the construction loan before interest
expenses absorb profits.
Cash Flow for Subsidized Housing The cash flow analysis for low-income
housing includes the same range of questions. However, a lender may be
involved only in a limited way. Developers are more likely to use one of the
many taxpayer-supported subsidized programs, with the idea of funding
the large capital portions of the project (running new utilities, streets and
sideways, street lighting, traffic signals) through selling of tax credits to in-
vestors. Approval of subsidized programs requires that housing be kept as
low-income for many years, but developers rarely retain projects and man-
age them; they are more likely to sell off the properties as soon as final ap-
proval has been achieved. So among the possible costs of a subsidized
housing development may be performance bonds a municipality will re-
quire with the likelihood that the developer will not be around during re-
curring maintenance cycles; the cost of finding likely buyers for projects;
Cash Flow Analysis of Residential Properties 93
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and the possibility of having to absorb vacancies for a period of time if the
local demand market is not strong enough to keep all units filled—an un-
likely event, but still a possibility. (The developer in this situation may
make a convincing case in the market study to show that demand is high,
but when it comes time to rent out housing, the market realities may result
in chronically high vacancy levels. This affects cash flow and the ability to
sell the project for top dollar on the market.)
Fixer-Upper Properties
An interesting variation on single-family property investing is the purchase
of run-down properties. The idea is to use sweat equity—the work per-
formed in completing repairs—to bring the property’s value up to market
rates. This concept works when the cost of repairs is less than the appreci-
ation in market value. Thus, cosmetic repairs—including painting and
landscaping, for example—are easily completed at minimal cost but with
the greatest potential for creating increased value.
The problem with the fixer-upper market is cash flow. If an investor
holds onto a property for six months, the cash flow calculation is not lim-
ited to only the difference between discounted purchase price and market
value, offset by the cost of repairs. The calculation also has to consider the
six months’ mortgage payment. When margins are thin or, when the im-
proved property does not sell quickly enough, a minimal profit is easily
wiped out.
Two alternatives many investors have tried are rental conversion and
living in the property. In the rental conversion plan, repairs are done as
quickly as possible after closing the deal, often in one month or less. The
property is then rented out and held as a long-term investment. Because the
property was purchased below market rates, the idea here is that cash flow
will be healthy. Because the new owner charges market rates for rent, cash
flow is positive and allows a cushion that would not otherwise be avail-
able. So the cash flow calculation in this instance is made as modified
rental investment. The assumption here is that the repairs can be com-
pleted in a reasonable amount of time. Renovation projects are more prone
to cost overruns than new construction.
The calculation is even easier when the investor moves into the prop-
erty during a period of repairs. Because the individual has to pay either
rent or a mortgage payment, this eliminates the duplication of negative
cash flow. After repairs are completed, the house is sold or converted to a
rental and the investor moves on. While this idea has merit on paper, it
may prove stressful for other family members. Not only is a family ex-
pected to live in the middle of the chaos of repairs, they are also required to
94 SINGLE-FAMILY HOME AND CONDO ANALYSIS
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move frequently, as one project is completed and another begun. The idea
solves the cash flow problem, but may not be practical for other reasons.
Vacation or Second Homes
A final type of investment requiring cash flow analysis is the second home.
Many people purchase a cabin by the lake, a timeshare, or a house in a dif-
ferent clime. All of these ideas appeal to those who want to spend time on
vacation, but the question of cost has to be considered as well.
A second home—defined as a part-year primary residence, for tax pur-
poses—is partially subsidized through tax benefits. Individuals can deduct
interest expenses and property taxes as itemized deductions on both their
primary residence and a second home. This reduces the after-tax cash bur-
den, but not entirely. The individual is still left with ongoing mortgage pay-
ments as well as taxes, insurance, and maintenance. One possible solution
is to rent out a second home for that portion of the year it is not used as a
second home. This provides a prorated tax benefit, because the property
can be depreciated for the part of the year it serves as a rental. The owner
can also deduct utilities, interest, insurance, taxes, and other expenses as
investment expenses. So it is possible to create rental income to cover the
costs of owning the second home for part of the year, and also to create a
partial tax benefit at the same time. The problem with this plan is often
one of timing. If the owner wants to vacation at the same time as everyone
else, there is a good chance that the off-season will see low demand. One
solution is to vacation at the second home during the off-season and get
higher market-rate rents when everyone else wants to be at the beach, in
the mountains, or at the Mexican resort.
LOCAL OPPOSITION AS A MARKET FACTOR
The phenomenon of organized land use opposition adds to the cost of de-
velopment, often considerably. It is even possible that a group of local citi-
zens can prevent certain types of development from taking place.
The Not In My Back Yard (NIMBY) movement has to be considered
as a possible cost factor, notably for single-family housing aimed at low-
income renters or buyers. Also called Locally Unwanted Land Use (LULU),
Build Absolutely Nothing Anywhere, Not Anytime (BANANA), and Citi-
zens Against Virtually Everything (CAVE), antigrowth forces often present
ridiculous arguments against development. While such groups may oppose
any form of development, rezone, or change in local land use policies,
trends in recent years have been toward a focus on low-income housing. As
Local Opposition as a Market Factor 95
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one of the more important forms of development risk, organized NIMBY
movements should not be overlooked. A survey of developers revealed that
in terms of risk, “three common refrains were meeting governmental and
utility regulations, dealing with neighbor complaints, and correcting un-
foreseen environmental problems.”
11
All of these risks can and should be anticipated and mitigated in ad-
vance. The NIMBY problem should not take a developer by surprise if the
market survey is completed thoroughly—even when a project has real or
perceived social impacts. The NIMBY movement has come about largely
due to the increase in development trends aided by major changes in the
tax law in the Tax Reform Act of 1986 (TRA), and through the creation of
Low Income Housing Tax Credits (LIHTC). The greatest argument
NIMBY groups make is that low-income housing reduces property values
for surrounding properties. This argument has great appeal to local resi-
dents, and often leads to petition drives, letters to the editor and to the lo-
cal public hearing file, and direct testimony. In some instances, local
political approval may move the entire question to the courts, adding cost
and delay to any development process.
96 SINGLE-FAMILY HOME AND CONDO ANALYSIS
Valuable Resource
Several studies support the argument that low-income housing does not ad-
versely affect property values of nearby homes. Some examples can be
found at:
www.fhfund.org/educational_materials_reports.asp—A Study of the
Relationship Between Affordable Family Housing and Home
Values in the Twin Cities, Maxfield Research report.
www.enterprisefoundation.org/—Affordable Housing and Property
Values, The Enterprise Foundation.
www.abag.ca.gov—Myths and Facts About Affordable and High-
Density Housing, California Planning Roundtable.
www.habitat.org Why Affordable Housing Does Not Lower Property
Values, Center for Common Concerns.
http://www.mcaws.gov.bc.ca/housing/housing.htm—The Effects of
Subsidized and Affordable Housing on Property Values: A Survey
of Research, State of California.
www.uic.edu/aa/cdc Affordable Housing Design Advisor, University of
Chicago.
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As effective as the arguments are for protection of local property val-
ues, the facts reveal that low-income housing development does not reduce
property values nearby. In fact, numerous studies have concluded that
property values rise or, at the very least, remain unaffected, when low-in-
come housing development occurs.
The concerns among NIMBY groups also go to increased traffic or
crime, noise, loss of trees, and other amenities. In other words, NIMBY
opposition grows from change. Such movements gain a lot of momentum
from poorly designed development, from situations in which developers’
actions do have adverse impacts locally, and when local planners do not
enforce zoning laws, comprehensive plans, and other regulations.
The best way to deal with antidevelopment sentiment is by acting in a
preemptive manner. The vast majority of momentum NIMBY groups
achieve derives from lack of information. However, withholding plans from
citizens is illogical. A developer’s plans will be known soon enough, but if in-
formation is not available, all sorts of worrisome rumors find their way to
neighborhood meetings. In one situation, plans for a large 200+ acre site
were to build a truck-to-train intermodal facility. A well-organized local op-
position group formed with limited initial success. However, when the
group’s leaders began spreading a rumor that developers planned to site a
landfill on the property, the antidevelopment sentiment picked up speed, and
financing. In that situation, the developer needed to get the land rezoned,
and the rumor was based on a reading of the local code which, among other
uses, allowed light industrial zoning, which included landfills.
12
Developers who announce their lands in advance defuse much of the
opposition that is likely to center around a project, especially in the envi-
ronment where dependable information is not available.
Local Opposition as a Market Factor 97
CASE STUDY: SNOW HILL CITIZENS FOR DECENT HOUSING
In Worchester County, Maryland, this organization originally pro-
posed a low-income housing project in 1995. It was defeated in a lo-
cal referendum. In 2000, the group tried again, but first took steps to
provide information about the proposed 24-unit housing plan.
The effort included brochures that were mailed out to residents;
ads in the paper; and canvassing, both door-to-door and via tele-
phone. The group also made the convincing argument that 42 percent
of residents in the city of Snow Hill would qualify to live in the units
based on income levels.
13
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Similar outcomes have been achieved in other places, largely due to an
effort by developers or by organizations sponsoring low-income projects,
to educate the public in advance or to hold community meetings to explain
development plans. This is especially effective if people are invited to make
suggestions to improve a project’s amenities or design. In 2002, a nonprofit
organization met virtually no opposition to building a 400-person home-
less shelter in downtown Minneapolis. This was the result of community
meetings early on and before the process began, in which a citizen sugges-
tion for a design change in the building’s façade was accepted.
14
Rather than accept the alternative of extended battles, often involving
expensive lawsuits and years of delay, including the possibility of rejection of
plans for development, it makes far more sense to prevent such problems as
an organized NIMBY movement, before it begins. Developers and market
analysts also should keep in mind that even a ludicrous argument may pre-
vail in a land use dispute. In one instance in Florida, opponents to allowing a
homeless “safe zone” on 14 city parcels argued that allowing homeless peo-
ple to have a safe zone would negatively impact sea life! The city’s attempt to
elicit comments from local residents included sending out 840 invitations to
a public meeting concerning the issue. City officials were confronted by a
hostile group they described as Not On My Island (NOMIs).
15
It is also essential to test the mood politically in a community before
coming forward with plans for a low-income housing project, or for that
matter, any new project. That includes not only elected officials, but the
heads of agencies, politically active citizens, and the person in charge of the
planning department. All of these groups have an interest in planning and
in land use issues. Advice to developers and builders worth heeding in-
cludes the observation that
while NIMBY opposition to affordable housing projects may be
traditional, it isn’t inevitable. Project sponsors can reduce or even
avoid community resistance to affordable housing by taking a
strategic, proactive approach to community relations.
16
Single-family housing is best-known to most people because they ei-
ther own homes, or because they would like to buy a home one day. Those
individuals who analyze investment properties—either solitary home in-
vestments or more complex subdivisions—need to realize that investment
properties and developments have numerous market attributes that make
this property vastly different from the market for owner-occupied homes.
98 SINGLE-FAMILY HOME AND CONDO ANALYSIS
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CHAPTER
5
Multi-Unit Rental
Property Analysis
Multi-unit developments compete not only with other
developments, but also internally between units. Competition is
driven by the amenities that a project offers, the size of the units,
and the project’s distance from retail, recreation, health care
services, and places of work. In addition, there are specialty
residential projects such as senior, disability, and low-income
housing that compete both in the larger market and in their
specialty submarkets. This chapter examines these complex issues
and provides a context for analysis based on area-specific and
developmental factors.
A
nalysis of multi-unit residential real estate is more complex than analysis
for detached, single-family housing. The reasons for this include the
variable of the demand market for apartments and similar multi-family
units; and the complexity of analyzing actual demand locally, given the
competitive market conditions and trends.
The market for apartments and other multi-unit projects is huge. The
overall value of property (excluding single-family houses) in the United
States, in 2004 was $5.275 trillion, of which 44 percent consisted of apart-
ments.
1
The breakdown among apartments and other types of property is
summarized in Figure 5.1.
There is a tendency to view the market inaccurately, in many ways. For
example, it is popularly believed outside of New York City that virtually all
apartments in the city are rent controlled. This myth is fostered in many
venues, including a recurring gag line in TV sitcoms. Someone dies and, upon
being informed, a friend’s first question is, “Who is getting his apartment?”
99
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The truth is not as extreme, however. With more than 2 million rental units
in New York, only 2.8 percent are rent controlled.
2
In fact, rent controls at
any level are very rare outside of New York City.
Inaccuracies abound about many other urban markets. For specific
projects, the analyst should remember that conclusions about market de-
mand may be inaccurate, and it is a common error to base demand as-
sumptions on the idea that a project will receive 100 percent of the current
demand. Neither of these assumptions are accurate.
Current demand is the sum of all potential tenants currently seeking
rentals in apartments or similar multi-family units (two, three, or fourplex
projects, for example). One easy way to identify demand is by checking lo-
cal waiting lists among existing apartments and housing agencies (Housing
Authority, HUD Section 8 offices, and other agencies set up to seek and
provide housing, especially for those individuals and families whose in-
come is below local averages).
100 MULTI-UNIT RENTAL PROPERTY ANALYSIS
FIGURE 5.1 Real Estate by Property Type, 2004
Source: Society of Industrial and Office Realtors.
Apartment
44%
Retail
23%
Office
15%
Industrial
10%
Hotel
8%
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The problem with using such lists to identify demand is that any con-
clusions will be exaggerated. Many people on waiting lists currently oc-
cupy apartments locally. So this is not actual demand but would result in a
shift between local units. This variety of demand results in additional va-
cancies somewhere in the same local market. Newer units are likely to gen-
erate interest especially if existing units cost about the same market rates;
people like to move to newer units with better amenities. However, in
larger perspective, demand identified from waiting lists is not reliable.
A more accurate measurement of demand forecasting should be based
on local population trends, in comparison with new unit construction. For
example, if the population has been growing by 5 percent per year and new
apartment and housing starts have matched that increased demand, the
market generates new demand that is easily quantified—assuming the ana-
lyst is also able to perform this study based not only on population growth,
but also on growth by income levels. However, population alone does not
necessarily justify an argument that a particular project is in demand, be-
cause we also have to understand that demand in the context of competing
projects. How many competing apartment and housing projects are under-
way, and when will they be completed?
Market share is the degree of new demand a project will be likely to ab-
sorb. The tendency to assume that a new project will meet all of the new de-
mand is simply unrealistic. If a study of recent population growth is
supported by a healthy job market, we may identify a demand next year for
200 additional apartment units. However, if we build those 200 units, we
cannot reasonably expect that all new demand will come to that project. If
other builders are currently building 150 units, it may be reasonable to make
an argument that our project will be justified by 25 percent of the demand
(50 out of 200 new tenants, based on trends and forecast tenant growth).
A study of current demand and market share may not be entirely reli-
able, again based on the specific attributes of an area. It may be possible,
through location selection, amenities, and design, to expand the local mar-
ket and to attract tenants from outside of the apparent market area, that is,
the geographical market.
THE LOW INCOME HOUSING MARKET
One important market in the rental industry is low-income housing. Con-
gress, recognizing the importance of providing incentives to developers to
include low-income units in larger programs or to willingly devote entire
projects to this specialized market, enacted a Low Income Housing Tax
Credit (LIHTC) program as part of the Tax Reform Act of 1986 (TRA).
The Low Income Housing Market 101
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102 MULTI-UNIT RENTAL PROPERTY ANALYSIS
CASE STUDY: THE YARDS, PORTLAND, OREGON
The riddle we answer here is: How do you attract markets from out-
side the area? In other words, why should someone move to a specific
city or town and occupy units in a newly developed building?
The Yards is a community of about 600 affordable and market-
rate apartments in the River District near Portland, Oregon’s down-
town. Portland is unique in the sense that specific neighborhoods
retain their individual characteristics even though a part of a larger
city. The River District is just north of downtown and—before rede-
velopment—was characterized by empty lots, vacant warehouses, and
industrial sites like the large postal distribution center two blocks up
from the water.
Complicating redevelopment, the site was contaminated with
diesel and petroleum products as well as hydrocarbons, lead, and ar-
senic. Some of this contamination was found as deep as 10 feet. A to-
tal of 100,000 cubic yards of contaminated soil had to be treated or
removed. Development was aided through a low-interest loan by the
Portland Development Commission, augmented by the sale of tax-
exempt bonds to provide construction and permanent debt. Further
tax incentives are provided for the low-income aspect of the develop-
ment through low-income housing tax credits (LIHTCs).
Fortunately, the neighboring Pearl District, which once was a pri-
marily industrial area, also went through a transformation. Today
this area includes art galleries, restaurants, and small boutiques as
well as several developments of luxury condominiums. Demand in
this and other areas of Portland with close proximity to downtown,
has been high during recent years. Most of the project (four out of
five phases) was finished by December 2002 and occupancy has re-
mained steady at about 95 percent.
This project has demonstrated that proximity to a downtown
area, consisting of affordable housing, can and does attract new mar-
ket share from outside of the immediate and obvious existing market.
Many people have relocated to The Yards, both from California and
the Seattle areas to either semiretire or to change location while con-
tinuing to work. In this example, the combination of attractive loca-
tion and price redefined the market. It enabled the developer to
achieve a high occupancy rate by appealing to tenants beyond the im-
mediate area.
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As of 2004, this program has assisted in development of 1.6 million af-
fordable apartment units to qualified families. Incentives for developers
usually are provided in the form of tax credits, direct reductions in tax lia-
bilities. Tax credits are transferable and can be used to finance the infra-
structure of low-income housing projects, thus serving as a type of
financing. On average, these tax credits finance 40 percent of total develop-
ment costs.
The incentive has worked. Today, 40 percent of all multi-family devel-
opments include some level of qualified LIHTC units. The rules require one
of two standards: Either 20 percent or more of apartments in a develop-
ment must be occupied by tenants with incomes below 50 percent of me-
dian income; or at least 40 percent of units must be occupied by those
whose incomes are at or below 60 percent.
The cost (measured in reduced tax revenues) is approximately
$6 billion per year. Current issues being debated are one provision
allowing states to allocate LIHTC resources to areas where they are
most needed, and basing eligibility on statewide standards rather than
on those standards in one area within the state. Objections to this pro-
posal include concerns that states would possibly use LIHTC provisions
to control where low-income housing could or would be built. Even so,
the proposal is supported by many advocacy groups throughout the
country.
3
LIHTC incentives can induce developers to construct housing for low-
income families while also helping cities and counties to encourage resi-
dents to move to new areas where affordable rental units are available,
even in major metropolitan areas.
FACTORS AFFECTING MULTI-UNIT MARKET ANALYSIS
In studying the local market for multi-unit housing, the question of de-
mand is central to identifying feasibility. How many units will be needed
by the entire market? What portion of that demand should we expect to
absorb? And when is that demand apparent in the local market?
These questions identify aspects of the absorption analysis process.
Within market analysis, absorption refers to all forms of real estate;
however, for multi-family housing in particular, absorption should in-
volve a study of demand aspects. The most important among these is the
expectation of occupancy level and timing. When do we expect to
achieve maximum occupancy? This question should further take into
Factors Affecting Multi-Unit Market Analysis 103
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mind the issue of where the market exists. So a market area study should
include a realistic analysis of the real supply and demand market. Using
strictly geographical miles-based arbitrary assumptions is not reliable.
This analysis should include a study of traffic patterns relating to com-
mute, location of regional and local jobs, transportation issues (public
as well as auto-based transportation patterns), and the proximity from
the site to schools, shopping, and other local amenities. So to simply
identify the market area as existing in a ring of five miles from a site is
rarely accurate. The shape of the market is not likely to be round, but is
more likely to follow development and roadway factors, location of
jobs, and the competitive factors—existence of competing or planned
apartments within that realistic market area.
Absorption is an estimate of not only the occupancy level, but the tim-
ing as well. Certain events that delay completion of a project will direct af-
fect the estimates, including complications in local approval of permits;
labor strikes and other work-related problems; or unforeseen events that
no one could possibly predict. In such instances, developers may need to
find ways to give incentives to tenants through reduced rents, for example.
One striking example of this was the first new development completed in
lower Manhattan following the September 11, 2001, attacks on the World
Trade Center.
104 MULTI-UNIT RENTAL PROPERTY ANALYSIS
CASE STUDY: THE SOLAIRE, NEW YORK
This development includes 293 apartments and contains 383,000
square feet in 27 stories. Total development costs were $120 million.
Completed in 2003, this is the first “green” residential high-rise and
the first project completed in the post-911 Zone I section of lower
Manhattan, also called Battery Park City. The project is called
“green” due to its innovative design incorporating energy-savings and
environmental state-of-the-art features, marketed with the invitation
to “live healthy, live green.” Design and engineering translate to 35
percent less energy use and 67 percent reduction in electricity during
the hottest summer months.
The unforeseen events of September 11 naturally lead to the ques-
tion of whether the original feasibility assumptions concerning occu-
pancy of these residential units remain valid. The site is only two
blocks from the site of the World Trade Center. However, even with
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Factors Affecting Multi-Unit Market Analysis 105
CASE STUDY: THE SOLAIRE, NEW YORK (Continued)
this in mind, the complex is 90 percent occupied as of the end of
2004. Original projected rents were higher than the current levels be-
tween $2,200 and $6,700 per month. High occupancy was aided by
grants provided by the Lower Manhattan Development Corporation,
reducing rents by up to $12,000 (payable in increments of $500 per
month) as incentive to sign leases by May 31, 2003. In spite of predic-
tions concerning lowered market rents and high vacancies in lower
Manhattan following the 2001 attacks, Solaire reports annual rents
of $47 per square foot.
The developer, the Albanese Organization, Inc.—http://www
.albaneseorg.com—is located in Garden City, New York. As part of
the design, the building’s tenants have access to an exercise room, aer-
obics room, children’s playroom, a rooftop garden, and a green roof
system to help insulate the building. Also provided: storage for up to
150 bicycles.
Recalling that this project’s feasibility predated September
2001, it is not surprising that following the attacks, the lead
construction lender withdrew from the project and new sources
of financing were required. This was achieved in February 2002,
when Congress approved the issue of tax-exempt Liberty Bonds.
Developer Albanese was the first to receive funds through this
program, in the amount of $120 million. The September 2001 dis-
aster and changes in the financing structure of the project caused
a nine-month delay in construction, adding $9 million to the
total cost.
This project was completed successfully as measured by occu-
pancy and rental rates. This has occurred in spite of the September 11
disaster and the building’s proximity to Ground Zero. The combina-
tion of replacement financing and lease incentives offset the original
concerns. Superior design certainly supports rental levels, which are
not surprising by Manhattan standards; the incentives provided for
signing leases further aided in completing the initial absorption for
this property. Developers were faced with several initial problems:
proximity to the World Trade Center, loss of original financing, and
expensive delays in completion. Even so, they were able to revise their
plans and create financing and lease incentives to offset what had
been lost.
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Any projections concerning occupancy in a project are going to be un-
certain. The unknown elements in an extreme case—as we saw with The
Solaire in New York—are certainly not typical. But even if a project is not
sited two blocks from the World Trade Center, market analysts must ex-
pect some surprises.
One would use as a starting point the analysis of current supply. In be-
ginning to approach the analysis of supply, be aware that there are specific
kinds of supply: existing, under construction, and proposed (permitted). It
is not adequate to merely count existing units in an area, because it may be
that under construction and proposed units will drastically alter the supply,
thus affecting the feasibility of the proposed new project. A skilled analyst
should know how to weigh each of these as part of the study.
A realistic evaluation of the overall supply makes sense because, clearly,
a comparison between existing supply and perceived demand, should reveal
whether the project is feasible and whether occupancy assumptions are sup-
ported. However, it is equally important to remember that the issue of occu-
pancy is not based solely on existing supply. Today’s supply is a snapshot in
time, but it will look far different when a project has been completed. We
point once again to the extreme example of The Solaire to make this point.
To some degree, it is important to allow for changes in the supply element.
So if we are studying the feasibility for a project to be completed in one
year, the completion issue will be far different from the same issue for a pro-
ject planned for completion three years from now.
The ability to forecast supply and demand in three years is elusive in
comparison to a one-year time frame. So the further away the estimated
completion date, the less reliable the occupancy estimates. A one-year fore-
cast period—at least for purposes of identifying emerging competition for
the same market share—should not be difficult. However, because supply
is more easily pinned down than demand, there is a tendency to place em-
phasis—perhaps too much emphasis—on the supply side, even in the short
term. To elaborate:
In the short term, new supply is not (or should not be) a surprise.
Even in cities with limited local construction, the quantity of new
apartment completions in the next 12 to 18 months can be esti-
mated closely enough to make informed decisions. And supply risk
is tangible, readily visible just from driving by construction sites.
Instead, the stealth forces—the factors that sneak up and sur-
prise—lie on the demand side of the market equation.
4
While estimates should be as broadly inclusive as possible, the analysis
should consider supply and demand with equal weight. Furthermore, it
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makes no sense to limit the analysis to only the obvious tenant market. For
example, will a particular apartment complex be aimed at a market-rate
tenant only? Or will some units be set aside for low-income, handicapped,
or specialized markets? In urban centers, for example, many buildings gen-
erally geared toward family tenants also serve the growing corporate
apartment market. The size of this business is considerable, according to
the experts:
Corporate apartments [were] a $2.2 billion dollar industry in the
United States in 2000. . . . This emerging segment is particularly
interesting to multi-family housing owners and operators because
76 percent of corporate apartments are leased inside traditional
multi-family complexes.
5
The need to accurately forecast is a basic problem in all forms of
budgeting and forecasting. However, considering the maximum potential
market area range is also crucial to accuracy in the forecast. Estimating
future occupancy is easiest when we are looking at a short period of time
and becomes increasingly unreliable as we look further into the future. At
some point, the variables make the process little more than guesswork.
So a market area with its economic and demographic trends is rarely ex-
clusively reliable. We need to depend on a collection of many data to
draw a reasonable conclusion concerning occupancy in the distant future.
These include the trends in population, job market, transportation pat-
terns, housing and rental prices, and other local statistics. While the de-
mand for owner-occupied housing is entirely different from the demand
for apartment units, the trends in housing may serve as a useful indicator
in estimating future occupancy. If prices are flat and a large inventory of
homes are for sale, we may assume that rental demand is also likely to be
affected. As owners find they cannot get a desired price on the market,
they may decide to wait until those market conditions change. In this sit-
uation, many of today’s owner-occupied houses may be converted to
rentals. And as an increased number of houses become available at mar-
ket rates, there is an effect on apartment rentals as well. The overall mar-
ket (for housing and, as an effect, for apartments as well) is affected more
by current interest rates than by almost anything else. The various effects
are not always indirect or obvious, because the demographic is not the
same between ownership and rental markets, and neither are market
rates. Many people living in apartments simply cannot afford to buy or
rent a house; however, there is a segment of the market that is willing and
able to afford to rent a house (or duplex, triplex, or fourplex unit) and
prefers that over apartment living. As the volume of housing rentals
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increases, some level of demand for apartment units is reduced. Thus, ab-
sorption may require more time and occupancy levels may be lower as
well. The timing, level, and net rental demand of the market ultimately
determine and define feasibility in terms of occupancy levels one should
expect. Net rental demand
means balancing the growth of rental households against the ex-
pansion of the rental stock. Although new rental communities may
derive renters from existing communities through turnover, inter-
preting those moves as demand can lead to high vacancies in the
overall market, which eventually will affect the subject project as
well as the rest of the rental stock.
6
In attempting to identify likely occupancy timing and level, this is one
of many factors worthy of consideration. It makes sense to include a reduc-
tion of total occupancy levels to allow for the competition from other
apartments, multi-unit housing, and single-family housing.
Another factor making it difficult to project occupancy into the distant
future is the unknown of competing apartment projects. Even in a market
with very strong demand, competing developments are likely to be built to
meet that demand. And units finished earlier than the subject project will
get a share of the then-current demand, leaving less for later-completed
projects. It is more likely that occupancy estimates will be made when a de-
veloper has a specific target date in mind. Supply analysis as well as de-
mand analysis is usually limited to a one-year period, with the unknown
quantities beyond 12 months a determining factor in how (and why) ex-
tended analysis is of little practical value—especially if the analysis is to be
used to obtain current financing, determine appropriate design, and most
importantly, to decide how many units to construct.
Some types of real estate can analyze supply and demand more easily
because they are able to presell occupancy. Retail projects, notably malls,
begin with long-term lease commitments from anchor tenants, and, once
those commitments are in place, gaining additional leases is far easier. It is
likely that lease commitments will be well in hand indicating at or near 100
percent occupancy, even before a developer closes the deal with lenders or
investors. Thus, other aspects of the analysis, specifically cash flow, are
more easily and more confidently estimated, even years in advance. The
same benefit is not always possible in single-family residential real estate. It
is unlikely that a future tenant will be willing to commit to a long-term
lease a year in advance. It is unlikely that a majority of tenants will be able
to make such commitments even a few months before move-in date; the
majority of interested tenants will want to move into units as soon as pos-
108 MULTI-UNIT RENTAL PROPERTY ANALYSIS
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sible. In comparison, both houses and condo units are often presold based
on viewing models or other existing units.
CASH FLOW ANALYSIS FOR MULTI-UNIT HOUSING
Cash flow analysis depends upon occupancy assumptions, and this is
where the uncertainty lies. The initial market and feasibility study—often
performed at the planning stage—are based on current market conditions
such as occupancy rates, market rent levels, and the current job market.
We go forward assuming that those initial assumptions will be valid in the
future; however, conditions may change. Once a project’s completion is to
occur within one year, cash flow analysis is far easier and more accurate.
It may be that neighboring markets will be built in response to devel-
opment closer to city and town centers. As a result, today’s potential tenant
may find better prices further out, which also affects the market analysis.
One writer has observed that this
important intermarket relationship is often overlooked; the
changes in market occur because of changes in the extent to which
neighboring markets are built out. As a local market area gets an
increase in units approaching the holding capacity . . . the price
tends to rise, and buyers shift to the next outlying area.
7
This predictable tendency—the movement of competitively priced
units into ever-farther out locations—may lead an analyst to an inaccurate
conclusion. Upon realizing that local rental rates have gone up, the analyst
may conclude that this is good news in terms of cash flow analysis; in other
words, more revenue will be earned. However, the flaw in this conclusion
is that the initial analysis used a particular occupancy rate and presumed
time for absorption, neither of which remains accurate. In addition to rates
rising as tenants move farther out, a related trend occurs: the tendency to-
ward lower overall occupancy, as a factor of competing market rates in
other neighborhoods, where rents are lower.
Cash flow analysis has to consider issues beyond the initial assump-
tions concerning occupancy. Because the analysis involves dynamic rental
markets, the analyst needs to not only anticipate the trend and its ramifi-
cations for the subject proposal, but also to identify the likely steps
needed in response. These may include lower market rental rates, more at-
tractive lease terms, or the addition of amenities that tenants will find de-
sirable—all designed to bolster the occupancy rate to compete within the
current trend.
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While the identical market analysis problems apply to subdivisions,
the apartment market is more subtle, because two different supply and
demand markets are involved (market value and rental demand). In the
typical cash flow analysis for subdivision housing, a form of “risk diver-
sification” occurs because, upon completion, units can be sold individu-
ally on the market, or even presold when demand is high. Thus, a
subdivision development is often able to finance its own cash flow with-
out the need for gap financing. Presales usually pay off existing con-
struction loans, and later sales are available for the developer’s use. This
eliminates the common risk of scheduling delays, causing higher interest
expenses and debt service. In the case of apartments, which are rental
units rather than buy-and-sell products, such advantages are not avail-
able in either case. They cannot be prerented, and there is no available
after-market generated from sales (the exception, of course, is when a
developer is able to presell an apartment development, which eliminates
the typical interim cash flow risk). Some developers also have profitable
relationships with REIT managers and other institutional investors who
do not want to develop their own projects, but who have a voracious ap-
petite for newly built projects.
The analysis should not be limited to rental gross income and occu-
pancy, either. Basic real estate investment value is an important part of fea-
sibility. Are land values reasonable today and, based on a study, what types
of growth are likely to occur if the subject land is utilized for multi-unit de-
velopment? Some analysts and appraisers assume that desirable location
automatically translates to advantageous land profits when development
occurs; this is not always the case. It may be flawed to merely assume that
appropriate zoning (or a rezone) creates an automatic investment advan-
tage. For example:
Zoning, as it translates to highest and best use, is the area where
we see some of the major errors made by appraisers. When you
have a diminishing asset (i.e., the availability of direct oceanfront
properties), having a “multifamily” zoning designation may not
translate automatically into the development at allowable density
as the highest and best use.
8
Since both land values (and increases in such values) and rental income
affect future appraised value, both have to be considered during the initial
feasibility phase. With potentially higher than expected vacancies, disap-
pointing changes in land values, or a longer absorption period in play, the
cash flow issue becomes not only more complex but also more difficult to
quantify. Thus, the analyst needs to manage the analysis by tracking the
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market during the development phase. If the cash flow assumption has
been based upon market and feasibility studies, a concern develops on two
fronts: the potential that the market has changed, as well as the potential
that assumptions in the initial studies were flawed.
A changed market is likely if and when completion of the project runs
over the initial schedule or if the market itself is moving through a rental
demand cycle rapidly. We have provided one example, when rents in the
immediate area rise due to scarcity, so the tenant market moves to adjoin-
ing locales, eliminating demand. It is ironic, in fact, that one motivating
factor may be rising demand in the immediate area of the proposed apart-
ment complex to be developed. In performing the cash flow analysis, it is
important to be aware of how a predictable tenant base will act. The rising
rents, in fact, are not positive indicators for cash flow; but there is a limit
to its effect. Some tenants will not passively remain in the area and pay
higher rents, but will move to more affordable markets. These may be only
a few miles removed from the project site, but the market forces behind the
migration are easily tracked: Higher rents lead to softened demand.
Flawed basic assumptions include a belief that the subject project is
going to absorb all identified demand; that the demand is itself unchang-
ing; and that the demand exists when it may not. These potential flaws
in assumptions have been explained previously. However, putting to-
gether these three assumption-based problems may lead to a serious cash
flow shortage. We may cast these three elements (inclusion of all de-
mand, a static demand assumption, and softness in real demand itself) in
another light, identifying three cause-and-effect aspects to the causes of
flawed assumptions:
1. Failure to understand the components of demand. The market analyst
who simply seeks out statistics in support of a premise that “there is a
need” for a project, misses the point. Demand certainly may exist, but
so does competition. In real estate, everyone gets the same good idea at
the same time. If analysts cannot identify any potential competition,
they are not looking hard enough . . . or it is not a good idea.
2. Lack of recognition of the dynamic nature of supply and demand cy-
cles. When we say that a market is “cyclical,” this means that it moves.
More to the point, the market changes elusively. We cannot identify
the timing by which a cycle strengthens or weakens, or reverses the
current trend. While this is a troubling aspect of forecasting, it is also
the most interesting. The key to effective cash flow management is be-
ing able to provide for “worst-case” outcomes in recognition of the
uncertainties in cyclical timing, and at the same time devise a practical
forecast that is useful to developer as well as to lender or investor.
Cash Flow Analysis for Multi-Unit Housing 111
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3. Failure to recognize that demand, in fact, does not really exist. The
most drastic error in the basic supply and demand analysis is to docu-
ment the wrong factor. It is easy to prove that various apartment com-
plexes, housing agencies, and governmental advocacy groups have
waiting lists for housing. It may even be possible to document issues
such as local homelessness, transient populations, or families living be-
low the poverty level. None of this data is useful, however, in identify-
ing the current level of demand. Because the population of potential
tenants is itself complex, we cannot find it easily. When concert tickets
go on sale, we can see a line disappearing around the corner, so we
know that the concert will be sold out. When property is listed for sale
and three offers are received on the first day, we know that demand is
very high in that price range. However, we cannot assign the same vis-
ibility to demand for apartment units.
The fact that many people on waiting lists (1) live elsewhere, (2)
have found living accommodations since adding their names to a list,
or (3) have moved away complicates this entire question and makes
list-watching the most unreliable method for defining current demand
(not to mention identifying what demand may be a year from now).
In recognizing that the list-watching method is not reliable, the astute
market analyst will turn to recent housing and apartment starts, job
creation, changes in population, and similar statistical data to esti-
mate demand. Interest rates are valuable, too, as a tracking device.
High interest rates mean more rental demand. As rates rise, more peo-
ple substitute rental housing for owner-occupied housing. So a list
alone does not tell the whole story; we also need to discover why a list
is growing or shrinking. While lists are easier to find, we must also
recognize that they are not reliable as indicators of actual demand.
The combination of high occupancy in existing complexes, coupled
with ever-present lists is one strong indicator of continuing demand;
but that alone does not reveal the trend adequately to serve as a reli-
able, final answer.
Because the cash flow projection relies on the accuracy of a future
occupancy level and absorption time, we need to utilize the local eco-
nomic and demographic trend data, in addition to occupancy levels
(and waiting lists). Clearly, if local apartment complexes have weak
occupancy rates, no waiting lists, and declining markets for prospec-
tive tenants, there is no way to justify the feasibility of building more
apartments. However, all this reveals is that low-demand markets are
more easily recognizable than are high-demand markets.
Even when we know that demand exists, we cannot easily quan-
tify the level of demand, the strength of the trend, or the level of com-
112 MULTI-UNIT RENTAL PROPERTY ANALYSIS
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petition; to discover the scope of these factors, our cash flow analysis
has to be more inclusive of all the supply and demand factors at work
in the existing market as well as within the trend.
THE OCCUPANCY ISSUE IN MULTI-UNIT
CASH FLOW ANALYSIS
Cash flow and all of the assumptions that go into it rely upon accurate
readings of the local real estate market. The analysis of cash flow and de-
veloping estimates of likely future occupancy levels is no easy matter. The
chief economist of the National Multi Housing Council (Washington, DC)
has observed that
knowing how a local economy is performing does not necessarily
give a good indication of how the local apartment market, or any
other property market, is performing. Differences in apartment-
specific demand and supply conditions can weaken the link be-
tween the local economy and the local property market.
9
This observation has profound ramifications for the real estate analyst.
If there is no direct connection (necessarily) between the local economy in
general, and the local property market, how is a cash flow projection to be
developed? What data can be used reliably to make the projection realistic,
and to support that projection with rational assumptions?
In fact, estimating near-future occupancy and vacancy trends is more
accurately done using performance data—indicating trends in market rent
levels as well as in occupancy within a specific market. A correlation be-
tween these two trends—rent increases and vacancy rates—may provide
the most reliable trend in estimating cash flow for an apartment project.
Such information is useful only if applied within the same region as the
project itself; because every region’s trends are unique to that region, it
makes no sense to use average rates involving the entire country or many
regions. For example, an article in a Las Vegas newspaper compared one-
year changes in average market rates and concluded that in many regions
in Nevada and California, rates dropped (in California’s San Francisco,
Riverside, and San Bernardino counties, for example).
10
While such regional data is of limited value and often outdated by time
of publication, other local sources are useful for obtaining up-to-date in-
formation—not only on average rental rates, but also on occupancy trends.
For estimating cash flow, the most reliable and meaningful analysis is a
comparison between market rate trends and occupancy trends.
The Occupancy Issue in Multi-Unit Cash Flow Analysis 113
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The two indicators do not necessarily confirm each other. In fact, rent
increases and trends in occupancy/vacancy provide dissimilar types of mar-
ket indicators. A popular theory states that in a strong demand market, we
are likely to witness a combination of low vacancies and rising rental rates.
This seems logical; however, long-term studies indicate that the pattern
does not always come out according to this theory concerning the dynam-
ics of supply and demand. In some cases, the highest average vacancy rates
also report higher than average rent increases.
11
Furthermore, the analyst should be sensitive to the likely correlation
between the range of apartment costs and vacancy rates. There is a ten-
dency for vacancies to increase as rental levels grow. For example, a trend
in New York City demonstrates the consistency of this phenomenon. The
lower the rent, the lower the vacancy rate, as shown in Figure 5.2.
The indicators causing rent increases are limited not only to response
to local occupancy trends. While occupancy is one of the factors in-
volved—recognizing that when demand exceeds supply, rates tend to rise—
there are many others as well. For example, even a very localized study of a
single metropolitan area may involve numerous dissimilar markets, based
on income, rental levels, and amenities. We have already observed that as
rents rise in the immediate area, tenants may move farther away. In the
case of a large city, this move may consist of an additional bus or subway
stop, an adjoining neighborhood, or the next suburb over, only two or
114 MULTI-UNIT RENTAL PROPERTY ANALYSIS
FIGURE 5.2 More Affordability = Lower Vacancy Rates
Source: New York City Housing and Vacancy Survey, 2002.
00224466881010 1212
10.05%
9.25%
4.36%
3.66%
2.61%
1.42%
1.54%
$2,000 – up
$1,750 – up
$1,000 – $1,749
$800 – $999
$700 – $799
$500 – $699
Less than $500
ccc_kahr_ch05_99-118.qxd 8/3/05 11:52 AM Page 114
three miles away. In urban areas, the population is likely to be more depen-
dent on public transportation than in more rural areas, so availability of
transit sites may be more of a factor when residents use such amenities.
A study documented by Jack Goodman showed two large cities, Hous-
ton and Philadelphia, reporting high vacancy rates, but also reporting
higher than average rent increases in the same markets.
12
This type of long-
term data is valuable, as it includes information on both rent increases and
vacancy rates. However, such studies also tend to be outdated by the time
the analyst discovers them; and again, the data does not provide clear an-
swers to the question of how cash flow estimates can be supported with
current information.
More likely sources for current, local data would include regional
landlord associations, lenders, real estate brokerage firms, and Multiple
Listing Service (MLS) offices.
Amenities will also act as incentives in certain types of properties. This
is especially true in the planned gated communities popular around
Phoenix, Arizona, such as Scottsdale and Chandler; and in central Florida.
Today’s tenant is willing to trade living space for specific and desir-
able amenities, such as nearby or on-site recreational outlets. While many
The Occupancy Issue in Multi-Unit Cash Flow Analysis 115
CASE STUDY: THE VILLAGES, FLORIDA
This central Florida development takes up 5.2 square miles. While the
latest reported population was 11,828 (2000 Census), approximately
45,000 people live in the immediate area in owner-occupied or rented
housing and multi-unit retirement and senior accommodations. This
development combines gated communities with recreational facilities,
notably a series of golf courses. However, with additional develop-
ment near the villages, traffic congestion and travel distance to the
courses are becoming a problem. The popularity of the closest golf
(Continued)
Valuable Resource
To find links to local information concerning MLS offices, occupancy rates
in a particular area, and market rent trends, check http://www.mls.org/.
ccc_kahr_ch05_99-118.qxd 8/3/05 11:52 AM Page 115
116 MULTI-UNIT RENTAL PROPERTY ANALYSIS
CASE STUDY: THE VILLAGES, FLORIDA (Continued)
course has made getting a tee time quite difficult, so additional
courses are developed periodically, each one farther away than the
last. It appears to the visitor that the majority of local residents use
gas-powered golf carts rather than automobiles, to travel to and from
the attractive central shopping area.
A visitor to The Villages notices at once the confusing array of ap-
parently endless gated communities, acting as satellites around various
golf courses. Because the courses cross roadways and local residents
seem permanently attached to their gas-powered golf carts, this is a
world apart from the more urban settings so familiar to most other
Americans. In fact, there is a tendency among golf-playing residents to
forget that some people continue to use the automobile. It is a common
occurrence for golf carts to dart across roadways with their drivers
oblivious to the danger afoot even in a 25-mile zone. Accidents are not
uncommon, including car-to-cart as well as cart-to-cart mishaps.
The planned community continues to expand, even though road
and golf course congestion have worsened over time. Located only 50
miles from Orlando and 75 miles from Tampa, The Villages is located
in the very middle of Florida. Besides golf and local shopping, residents
are within an easy drive of The Villages Regional Hospital and at least
two medical centers, all within 20 miles. It is also about 50 miles to the
Orlando or Gainesville airports. Web site: http://www.thevillages.com/
Described by a local travel guide site—http://www.city-data
.com/city/The-Villages-Florida.html—as an “active 55+ adult commu-
nity,” recreational emphasis includes golf and other physical sports,
health and fitness, and even bowling. The immediate area also boasts
a staggering 153 Red Hat Society groups within The Villages (chap-
ters of ladies aged 50 and over who meet monthly to plan events, web
site http://www.redhatsociety.com/), which may be a record for a sin-
gle area. This serves as a good indicator of semiretirement aged trends
in this and similar planned communities.
The key feature of The Villages is the connection between active
retirement and recreation. The median house value (as of 2000) was a
relatively low $136,000, with median household income $42,542.
This is an affluent mostly white (97.2%) population able to choose
recreational amenities as close as possible to home, and that defines
the development. One visitor observed that residents of The Villages
were typically “a bunch of stressed-out senior citizens breaking their
necks in pursuit of leisure.”
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